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A walk of shame for the Muslims

22 Apr 2021

This year, 14 April 2021 marked an important date in the calendar for three communities in Sri Lanka. For the Sinhalese and Tamils, it was New Year and for the Muslims it was the beginning of Ramadan, the month of fasting. It was symbolic of the coexistence among the communities. However, the truth remains far from it. Concealed underneath the façade of coexistence is an unpleasant aura of resentment that threatens to break all bonds of friendship like never before. Sri Lanka has been through an ethnic conflict that ravaged the nation in no small measure. The intricacies of war have persevered to this date, even 12 years after the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was defeated. The voices of the war dead continue to reverberate the world over through the Tamil diaspora and through the various resolutions that have come about in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) since the end of the war. Along with it resounds the various crises of the Muslim population in Sri Lanka that have since been the target of extremist factions.   Fault of the Muslims? The cries of the Muslim population have been louder than ever before, ever since what appeared to be retaliatory acts of violence in the aftermath of the Easter Sunday bombings. It all made sense except for one factor. The victims were mostly members of the Catholic faith, who have also suffered at the hands of extremists together with their Muslim brethren in the years preceding the Easter Sunday attacks. This was a case of an ally attacking another ally on an unprecedented scale. If not for the intervention of Archbishop of Colombo His Eminence Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith, the agitations against the Muslim community could have escalated beyond control. As Parliamentarian Rishad Bathiudeen pointed out in his speech in Parliament on 7 April 2021, the Archbishop of Colombo, who addressed an audience in Kottampitiya in the aftermath of the Easter attacks, had claimed that it was not the Muslims, but rather an external hand exploiting the name of Islam that caused the heinous crimes. Truth be spoken, not one Muslim was heard condoning the actions of the terrorist behind the Easter attacks Zahran Hashim and his band of terrorists. If at all, the Muslims had assisted the law enforcement authorities in every possible way, even tipping off the hideout of Zahran and his family, days after the Easter attacks. Even prior to the Easter attacks, the Muslims had taken every approach to bring to the notice of the authorities the atrocities of Zahran. Even the report of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (CoI) on the Easter attacks indicates the many instances where Muslims had written to the President and other relevant authorities regarding the extremism and violence of Zahran. Even National Unity Alliance (NUA) Leader Azath Salley, who was recently detained under the Prevention of Terrorism (Temporary Provisions) Act (PTA) for alleged involvement in the Easter attacks, had publicly spoken before the media in 2017 on the criminal activities of Zahran. In that very press conference, he indicated that the then Chief Minister of the Eastern Province (Hafeez Nazeer Ahamed) was protecting him. However, the report on the Easter attacks does not indicate any instance where Ahamed was interrogated in that regard. There appears to be lapses in the course of how justice has and is being meted out. The peace-loving Muslims feel marginalised in the face of state-sponsored affirmative actions that seek to rewrite the paths to peace considering the most recently identified threats to national security.   The real threat Despite the doubts and lapses that have now become evident, one thing has been made clear in all respects. Religious extremism must not just be condemned, but it must be dealt with through strong and effective measures. This view has received the unanimous agreement of all stakeholders to the problem. All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU) President Mufti Rizwe has openly condemned the actions of Zahran and his group and through various press releases over the years, denounced all acts and ideas of extremism. Muslim political leaders such as Bathiudeen and Salley, among others, have also openly voiced out against Zahran and all such extremist actions. To date, there have been four reports submitted on the Easter attacks, which are, the Justice Vijith Kumara Malalgoda report, the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) report, the Parliamentary Sectoral Oversight Committee (SOC) on National Security report, and the PCoI report. All four reports are consistent with the finding that religious extremism was the root cause of the Easter attacks. In view of this unassailable fact, it is important to recognise the extremists around us and to assist in the efforts to prevent the infiltration of such extremist notions lest it leads to further adulteration of religious content and convinces the minds of the believers. It is in that light that each of the committees and commissions have made a significant number of recommendations, some of which may appear discriminatory.   The measures While it is paramount to enact certain regulations to bring to life the recommendations of the committees and the commissions, it is tantamount to always keep in mind the sensitivities of the people and more particularly, the groups that would be affected. The implementation of recommendations requires careful planning and even more caution in execution. The PCoI report on page 331 states: “Reciprocal radicalisation is the cycle of radicalisation which promotes each other’s radicalised ideologies”. This quote is very crucial in deconstructing the pattern of radicalisation. It begins with something trivial, and it is met with a retort from the opposing end. The retort is then targeted with retaliation, and it goes back and forth as it keeps escalating until it finally culminates in absolute disaster. Bathiudeen made this point clearly in his speech. He gave the LTTE war as an example and referred to the various measures adopted by the Government of the time to impose nationalistic views on the people, starting with the Official Language/Sinhala Only Act, No. 33 of 1956. He also mentioned the arbitrary imposition of the PTA and the burning of the Jaffna Library as actions that made the LTTE war inevitable. Likewise, the present recommendations can have the same effect if not given careful consideration.   The restriction on books On 5 March 2021, a notice was issued asking the staff at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) to withhold any Islamic books brought into the country until approval is obtained from the Ministry of Defence. No length of time or procedure was notified. The ramifications of such a notice are multifold. Firstly, the message it sends to Muslims is that Islamic texts, whether positive or not, or even if it is the Qur’an, can be prevented from being brought into the country. To the average Muslim, it reeks of state-sponsored discrimination. It is in bad taste. If at all de-radicalisation was the idea, this move appears to emotionally corner the Muslims into radicalisation. The Government ought to, at the very least, streamline the procedure for confiscation and review. Secondly, Sri Lanka receives a considerable number of high-spending tourists from the Middle East region. Some of them are investors. Many of them are Muslims, and are likely to carry the Quran or other books containing portions of the Quran and/or other recitations. These tourists are likely to be offended, especially because they will not be informed prior to their departure. If and when word gets around, Sri Lanka is likely to lose tourists and eventually the support and goodwill of the Middle East that has been consistent in the UN. It must be noted that there are nearly two billion Muslims of the nearly eight billion human beings living in the world today, and it is best not to harass them over their religious texts. Thirdly, in an era of the internet and electronic books, much of the content is available on the internet. Books are merely a means of acquiring information, and much of that information can be acquired without physically possessing them. In which case, the whole exercise becomes redundant.   Banning of niqab and burqa Whether or not Minister of Public Security Rear Admiral (Retd.) Dr. Sarath Weerasekera was being serious with his statements, it is commonly known that the niqab (eyes can be seen) and the burqa (covers the entire face) are both mere names for pieces of garments. It would be open to interpretation as to what the words would imply, and hence, any legislation to have the effect of banning them must have appropriate wording to describe the physical garment. As Bathiudeen stated, it would be near impossible to draft a piece of legislation with the same effect without making it Islamophobic. However, whether or not it would be a challenging task to draft legislation, it is a necessity given the volatility of the nation’s security, and more particularly the insecurities of the common man. It is best avoided lest it causes a tumultuous uproar over the garb. Other countries, including countries renowned for their upkeep of human rights such as Denmark, France, Belgium, and Switzerland, have banned it. After all, the culture of wearing the niqab and the burqa emerged only in the last 20 years while the Muslims have lived in Sri Lanka since the 7th Century Anno Domini.   Banning of madrasas In another controversial statement, Dr. Weerasekera had announced the proposed banning of madrasas, which is the type of school that teaches the Quran and religion. There are three types of madrasas, which are the Quran madrasa, the Hifl madrasa, and the Kitab madrasa or Arabic colleges. Quran madrasas are where children learn to read and recite the Quran. At present, there are 1,689 registered madrasas in the country. Hifl madrasas are where children are taught to memorise the Quran. There are about 132 registered Hifl madrasas in the country. Kitab madrasas or Arabic colleges are the type of madrasa where Arabic is taught with the intent of producing religious scholars. This is the type of madrasa system that Dr. Weerasekera seeks to ban. Controversy shrouded the Kitab madrasas after it was discovered that Zahran and his group were radicalised largely from this type of madrasa system and that they also conducted various workshops which trained people in the art of weaponry and explosives and the cause of the Islamic State among other things. While it is fair to consider the threat emerging from the Kitab madrasas, it is unfair to deprive those Kitab madrasas which have taught the true message of Islam which is peaceful. It is better for the Government to enact measures to study and regulate the activities and syllabi of such madrasas instead, while shutting down those madrasas which have engaged in illegal activity. At present, there are 317 registered Kitab madrasas and about 150 or more unregistered ones. A regulated syllabus would be a mode of de-radicalisation in itself.   Conclusion Among the many recommendations in the report, the above have emerged as hot topics in recent times. It is imperative that such matters be handled sensitively, lest the emotionally disheartened be provoked to adapt extremism as a justified form of reaction. Always remember that extremists may walk among us, engage in conversation, eat with us in restaurants and yet prepare themselves silently for the backlash. The day may come when they transition into terrorists. Let us not feed into the rhetoric. Let us cultivate peaceful thoughts among our people. After all, it is a responsible Government and a co-operating people that can make a nation greater.   (The writer is a legal researcher. He can be contacted via faizer@live.com)    

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