That Sri Lanka is “a land like no other” was once a tourism tagline that drew many foreign travelers to this island nation. It was deemed a beacon of hope to a country that was trying to heal the wounds of a war. Little did anyone know that this very same phrase would be used to identify Sri Lanka from 26 October, 2018 and also deter many tourists from visiting the country that is facing a snowballing political crisis. The legitimacy deficit of the new Government that was widening with each passing day since 26 October is continuing to push the country to the brink. After the bravado of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa – claiming that they had the support of over 120 members in the former Parliament with many unexpected leaders of the United National Front (UNF) planning to cross over to the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) headed by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) – the final decision of the Sirisena-Rajapaksa combo to dissolve Parliament as a solution to the existing political crisis, was admittance of their failure to muster majority support in the House. By Thursday evening (8), the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) hit the panic button realising that every turn towards gathering support was resulting in failure. Rajapaksa and his sibling/strategist Basil Rajapaksa called the President’s bluff, claiming that he needed to take most of the blame for the turn of events. This along with the scathing attacks by the forces that campaigned for Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election at the commemoration ceremony for the late Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thero was too much for Sirisena to stomach. On Friday, Rajapaksa met Sirisena in the morning and evening, and discussed the possibilities of dissolving Parliament albeit it was stated to the UPFA group that no such dissolution would take place. After hurriedly appointing a Cabinet of Ministers, Sirisena signed the proclamation dissolving Parliament. The next question was how many alliances would be formed for the elections, while the UNF said it would seek court intervention to determine the legitimacy of the President’s move. The statement made by the Secretary of the SLPP Attorney-at-Law Sagara Kariyawasam last week that the SLPP would contest future elections as a broad alliance under the “flower bud” symbol, was confirmed last morning when Namal Rajapaksa announced through his Twitter account that he was taking the membership of the SLPP with immediate effect. In his Twitter message, the young Rajapaksa went on to say that the SLPP would form a broad alliance under the leadership of President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa to contest at the upcoming general election. That one message by Namal answered many questions that have been brewing in the minds of many since 26 October – what would become of the SLFP and the UPFA headed by Sirisena? The latest statement by Namal suggests that both the SLFP and the UPFA would have no option but to join the SLPP if they wish to remain loyal to Sirisena. New alliance While the SLPP was making its moves on the SLFP and the UPFA, stakeholder parties of the UNF commenced a discussion on forming a common political alliance that would contest at both the next general and presidential elections. The decision to finalise the formation of the alliance was reached at the UNF group meeting convened last (10) morning. The likes of Sujeewa Senasinghe, Harshana Rajakaruna, and Harin Fernando called for a change in the current status quo, claiming they cannot contest under the UNF in its current form. In other words, the young leaders in the UNF were calling for a change. Following the latest turn of events, the heat was turned on the UNP leadership to bow out in a dignified manner. Wickremesinghe, on one too many occasions, had shown that he wasn’t one to quit unless forcibly removed. Although the steadfastness of the UNP leadership is admirable, his possessiveness of the top spot in the party has deprived the young leadership in the party from being groomed to take over the party leadership. Mangala Samaraweera had then intervened and proposed the need to expedite the discussion on forming a common political alliance to contest the general and presidential election. He explained that while contesting under a common symbol, the common alliance should put forward a presidential and prime ministerial candidate. All UNF members agreed and it was unanimously decided that Sajith Premadasa be named the prime ministerial candidate and Karu Jayasuriya the presidential candidate. The “swan” symbol was also being considered as the symbol for the common alliance. A meeting was to take place last evening to finalise the alliance. The UNF had also unanimously agreed that there would be no single leader in the alliance and that Wickremesinghe should not lead the group. Tactical moves Sirisena on the other hand has been on a path of trying to assert his authority first in the office of the President and then his party. The meeting of the SLFP All Island Executive Committee that took place at the Ape Gama premises in Battaramulla on Thursday (8) evening saw an agitated Sirisena enter the premises with a purposeful look on his face. This was the first sign of the events that unfolded on Friday (9). While the SLFP General Secretary Rohana Lakshman Piyadasa, UPFA General Secretary Mahinda Amaraweera, and SLFP National Organiser Duminda Dissanayake, stood at the entrance with sheaves of betel leaf to greet their party leader – the President – they were stunned when Sirisena, after greeting them with a smile, walked right in without accepting the betel sheaves. Interestingly, all members attending the meeting were banned from using their mobile phones while the meeting was ongoing. The President it seemed had a lot to say or, by the actions that followed, a lot to do. The Party Secretary moved several amendments to the Party Constitution. Key among them was the formation of a 13-member politburo of the party that would play a key role in the future decision making process. A clause that was missed by many was that it is the party leader who names the 13 members to the politburo while only the party secretary is appointed ex officio. This is a clear sign of how Sirisena was tightening his grip on the party. Given the latest move by the SLPP, and the indication that the SLFP and UPFA would have no option but to align with it, it is now clear that Sirisena wanted to ensure a tight grip on the party so that no other member would have the legitimacy to break ranks along with party membership and maintain the party identity without a firm decision from the party leader. Interestingly, Prime Minister Rajapaksa along with his SLPP loyalists did not attend the meeting at Ape Gama. Even at the meeting, Sirisena claimed that he had several trump cards and that he had used only one. He added that he had over and above the number of required numbers in the House. However, even when making the statement, Sirisena was starkly aware that Rajapaksa did not have the required numbers to show strength in Parliament. The failure in garnering numbers was further evident at a meeting on Thursday night between Rajapaksa, Basil Rajapaksa, and several SLFP MPs at the time, along with Dissanayake. The discussion focused mainly on the next course of action after a vote in Parliament. Rajapaksa’s genuine approach towards the SLFPers was well accepted and the group resolved that they would support Rajapaksa in the House albeit without the required 113. Muslim MPs unwavering However, Sirisena continued to put forward a strong face despite receiving news that he was not in a position to muster the support of the 12 Muslim MPs in Parliament representing the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), led by Rauf Hakeem, and the All Ceylon People’s Congress (ACMC), led by Rishard Bathiudeen, the remaining 15 Tamil National Alliance MPs (after poaching TNA MP Viyalendiran the previous week) and the six MPs representing the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA), headed by Mano Ganeshan and Palani Digambaram. Hakeem and Bathiudeen, together with the nine former Muslim MPs of their parties, left on Wednesday (7) on a pilgrimage to Mecca. However, ACMC member S.M. Ismail, who is said to be supporting the Rajapaksa-led Government, did not join them. According to reports that reached The Sunday Morning, he was being detained by Minister A.L.M. Hizbullah. Ismail made his way to the legislature after UNF’s M.H.M. Navavi resigned. At that time, the Higher Education Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe charged that the new MP was accused of corruption when he was a university academic. Nevertheless, prior to Bathiudeen’s departure, Ismail had conveyed a message to him, seeking forgiveness from the ACMC Leader, saying he would not betray the trust placed in him by the party. By Friday (9), Ismail also managed to leave the country and join with the rest of the Muslim MPs in Mecca. Also, before leaving on the pilgrimage, both Hakeem and Bathiudeen had expressed their displeasure to the President at the manner in which the Rajapaksa faction was trying to gather numbers by approaching individual parliamentarians. Hakeem and Bathiudeen had informed the President that the SLMC and ACMC would decide as a group on their actions and had asked Sirisena to advise his loyalists not to poach individual members from their group. They have added that while they had no personal issues with any individual, they could not agree with the undemocratic manner in which the new Prime Minister was appointed. A similar message was also conveyed to the President by Ganeshan on Thursday (8). The TPA members in Parliament were invited home for a discussion by Sirisena. During the discussion, the President had given them three options: To join the Government and accept portfolios, to abstain from voting when a vote is taken on the no-faith motion, or to replace Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister in the event the UNF won the No-faith Motion. Ganeshan had declined the first two options and said that option number three was a decision that the UNF had to make without any external interference. Be that as it may, the mentioning of option number three gave a clear indication to the TPA members that the Sirisena-Rajapaksa combo was grappling to secure the numbers. TNA stands strong Meanwhile, the TNA also took the battle to the public. Members of the TNA, despite internal squabbles over the decision to vote in favour of the No-faith Motion, agreed that all members needed to stand united. They decided to take their decision to the people in the North and East. During one such meeting, Attorney-at-Law, former MP M.A. Sumanthiran slammed Sirisena for his actions that have resulted in a political crisis in the country, and most of all, his attempt to break the TNA. He claimed that Sirisena was trying to split the TNA after being elected by their votes. “You are now trying to destroy us. Were you elected for this purpose? You have opened the doors to your own destruction,” Sumanthiran slammed. These words sent a strong message to the Sirisena-Rajapaksa camp, which was finding it difficult to counter the claims, since the north eastern Tamil votes played a crucial role in Sirisena’s ascension to power in 2015. On the other hand, the Rajapaksas were unable to use the usual “Tiger” terrorist claim since they have already, with open arms, welcomed an eastern TNA member Viyalendiran to their camp. JVP stance The JVP meanwhile reached a decision as a party, that they too needed to be counted in finding a solution for the political crisis. The party was unanimous in its decision that the JVP could not stand by while the Sirisena-Rajapaksa duo acted in an arbitrary manner. As the first step, JVP Leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, together with politburo member K.D. Lalkantha met with TNA’s R. Sampanthan and Sumanthiran. The two parties, in the Opposition of the House at the time, discussed what action needed to be taken to ensure democracy and, most of all, sanity in the country. Following the discussion, the JVP decided to mobilise a series of protest campaigns against the President’s move to appoint a new government and call for a vote in Parliament. Accordingly, four protest rallies were held on Friday in Anuradhapura, Kandy, Matara, and Ratnapura. The party stalwarts announced to the party cadres that amongst Sirisena’s 6.2 million-odd votes were those of JVP members, and they too had a responsibility to ensure that the President keeps to his election pledges. Looking for a resolution While motions were in play for the UNF to secure over and above the required number of 113 in Parliament, a group of UNF seniors continued to look at options where the current political crisis could be resolved by way of discussion with the President. Accordingly, former UNF MP Dr. Rajitha Senaratne last Sunday night met with President Sirisena following a request by the latter. During the discussion, the President, in detail, explained the reasons behind his actions. Listening to what the President had to say, Senaratne had responded to most of the grievances raised by Sirisena. Senaratne had then asked whether he could initiate a one-on-one meeting between the President and Wickremesinghe in order to clear the issues. Initially, the President had turned down the proposal, saying he had no intention of meeting Wickremesinghe. The President said that he was willing to consider the formation of a national government that would include the UPFA (including Rajapaksa and his loyalists) and the UNF without Wickremesinghe leading the UNF. Sirisena had clearly stated that he had no desire to work with Wickremesinghe on stately affairs again. However, after much persuasion from Senaratne, Sirisena had agreed to speak to Wickremesinghe saying a time would be fixed for the following night (5). The UNF meanwhile geared up for its second week of the constitutional coup last Sunday. Having presented their majority to the Speaker the previous week in a meeting, the Coalition prepared for a week of smaller protests around the country to raise awareness for the ongoing crisis. MPs were quickly dispatched to their relevant electorates where grassroots meetings were organised with the sole aim of energising the support base. Having maintained a steady growth in the momentum, the under siege camp was dealt a blow late last Sunday afternoon with the news that UNP backbencher, Ashok Priyantha, had crossed over to the President’s side. The news angered many in the UNF camp as Priyantha was a key architect in preparing the 24-hour pirith chanting that was taking place at the gates of Temple Trees. With Monday’s protest by the pro-Sirisena/Rajapaksa faction taking place, many in the UNF leadership kept a wary eye on the live coverage on state media. The President’s now infamous “samanalaya" comment, directed at Wickremesinghe, drew immediate fire from the UNP side and the general public. UNP Ministers took to social media immediately to decry the President’s un-Presidential comments. As anger fast mounted over the theatrics witnessed that evening, talk fast turned to a retaliatory protest. However, with tensions running high, seniors in the group cautioned against any action which could provoke open hostilities. However, in a surprise u-turn of events, Manusha Nanayakkara, who had taken oaths a few days earlier as a state minister, handed in his resignation to the President. In a strongly worded letter, Nanayakkara announced that he could no longer support a government which was declared illegal by the then Speaker of Parliament. Following his open pledge of support, Nanayakkara left the country with his family. Highly placed UNF sources confirmed that this decision was taken to ensure his safety. Fiery meeting Former Speaker Jayasuriya, who was also targeted during Monday’s rally, had urged the UNF to refrain from taking action which could incite violence. He was back at the forefront on Wednesday, at the Party Leaders meeting. With the President having announced that Parliament would reconvene on the 14 November, the schedule for that day had to be discussed. UNF leaders, led by Lakshman Kiriella, attended the meeting. The group’s expectations that the only order of business would be a floor test for the majority was rudely disrupted when the Sirisena/Rajapaksa faction announced that they wanted nothing further to take place than the President’s address to Parliament. A heated argument soon followed, with the Speaker finally ruling that he would be suspending standing orders and a floor test would be taken on the day. Both parties left the meeting unsure of what the 14th would entail. With uncertainty hanging over the proceedings on the 14th, news began to trickle into the UNF camp that the President was meeting with legal experts to explore the possibility of dissolving Parliament. The deposed Government soon brought in their own lawyers to prepare documents to submit to the courts in case this action was taken. Once again, key UNF ministers opened backroom channels to the SLFP/SLPP to try and confirm whether Sirisena was contemplating such a move. Initially news was returned that Prime Minister Rajapaksa was cautioning the President against such a move. However, on Friday, it became clear to the UNF camp that Sirisena was going to dissolve Parliament – what they deemed an unconstitutional action. In what appeared to be an unplanned move, key ministries were quickly handed out to members of the SLFP/SLPP faction. Once again, the Wickremesinghe camp was jolted on a Friday night, as the President took the controversial decision to bypass Parliament and dissolve Parliament himself. Frantic calls were made on Friday night instructing all UNF members to return to Temple Trees. Communication teams were also dispatched to the various international correspondents to brief them on what was happening. By yesterday, the UNF’s communications teams commenced disseminating the latest moves and news to their respective electorates to mobilise the grassroots to prepare for the next step.