After weeks and months of speculation amongst the political circles, the business end of the political season has descended. The 2019 presidential election was announced by the Election Commission this past week (18 September) through a gazette notification. According to officials, nominations for the election will close on 7 October, and the election will be held on 16 November. For the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) movement, their candidates have been announced and a soft campaign has already begun. The United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) are still to announce their candidates or whether or not they will be joining the platform of a common alliance. The upcoming election is a unique one, in that the newly elected president will see him or herself assume a role that is more symbolic than executive. Following the introduction of the 19th Amendment back in 2015, the country saw many of the powers bestowed on the presidency being stripped away. However, there will be a further reduction in the powers following this election. With the presidency no longer holding the same power as it used to and President Maithripala Sirisena having successfully demonstrated the dangers of abusing the presidency as was seen in the 51-Day Coup, questions have now been raised over the practicality of retaining it. Those forces who pledged to abolish the presidency entirely in 2015 have once again adopted a similar stance. Anura Kumara Dissanayake, the JVP candidate, has built himself a platform on the premise of constitutional change and an end to corruption. In fact, the JVP has been continually posing the question to the public as to whether or not the presidency warrants a national election considering its weakened state. In the UNP’s camp, several prospective candidates are vying for nomination. With Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe having not officially expressed his desire to contest, the attention is on Deputy Leader Sajith Premadasa and Speaker of Parliament Karu Jayasuriya who have both openly stated that they are ready to contest if asked to do so. In a hastily organised press conference on Tuesday (16), Premadasa re-iterated to the media the fact that he had informed the party leadership of his “intent to contest”. Shortly after this press conference, Speaker Jayasuriya released a statement that also suggested that if he had the support of a cross-section of the political spectrum and civil society, then he too would be willing to contest. With at least two potential candidates throwing their names into the ring, the UNP will now need to decide who is best able to secure the support of its alliance members. The UNP has held firm to the pledge of abolishing the executive presidency. Despite being unable to achieve their task this time around, the introduction of the 19th Amendment was certainly a big step towards achieving their goal. Both Wickremesinghe and Jayasuriya have continually expressed their commitment to the abolition of the presidency. In his official communiqué to the media, Jayasuriya highlighted the fact that if he were to contest the upcoming election, it would be on a platform to abolish the presidency. Wickremesinghe has also continued to assure the public that he too would work towards achieving this goal. Speaking at an event in Colombo, the Premier asked for the people’s mandate to complete the task they set out to achieve in 2015 which was the abolition of the executive presidency. Takes on executive presidency The seasoned political acumen of Wickremesinghe and Jayasuriya has come to the forefront, as they have presented a platform which promises to unite a wide range of influential actors in the coming weeks. Interestingly, both Premadasa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa have chosen to go down a different path, suggesting that the presidency will in fact be retained and will provide the leadership that they believe is necessary to take the country forward. Speaking to the media last week, Premadasa avoided confirming whether he would retain the presidency or abolish it, stating that he had not seen any “scientific surveys” in regard to the question over the presidency. In fact, Premadasa went further to suggest that the more pressing issues were the cost of living and development, indicating that he considered his presidential bid with the idea of retaining the executive. Rajapaksa has also adopted a similar tract, choosing to avoid discussing the abolition of the presidency, and instead highlighting measures he would adopt to manage the economy and continue the development of the country. However, the question that must now be raised is whether or not a president with the watered down powers is able to implement a legislative agenda if he or she does not have the support of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet. The new president, while remaining the Head of the Government, will be unable to hold any ministries, and will only be able to appoint ministers to the Cabinet on the advice of the Prime Minister. Furthermore, the president, while head of the Cabinet, will be unable to present any cabinet papers. So while the president will certainly be present, it seems as though the role will be more along the lines of observer than participant. With the presidential powers having been reduced greatly, the question is whether or not the attention should be on ensuring the final steps are taken to abolish the presidency entirely. While the UNP and the JVP appear committed to making this election about the complete abolition of the presidency, the Rajapaksa camp and the Premadasa loyalists in the UNP have adopted a stance that the presidency should continue to provide leadership to the country. While the debate rages on over whether or not the presidency should be retained, this election appears to have the tinge of a referendum about it, with either candidate comfortable in the knowledge that their victory would settle the argument.