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The JVP's new revolution: Standing against corruption is the new revolution: Anura Kumara Dissanayake 

02 May 2021

Discussing the headlines of the week, such as the Port City Economic Commission Bill, the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) reports on Political Victimisation, and the Easter Attacks and more, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), spoke to The Sunday Morning and revealed his firm stance on each of these topics. As the Leader of the Party, he also highlighted the JVP’s strategies to develop the country and escape the ring of corruption that exists presently.  Following are excerpts of the interview:    Sri Lanka has seen a string of bribery and corruption through many successive governments. What do you think is the reason for this constant pillaging? Do you think the JVP can put a stop to this? If so, how?  The corruption in this country starts at the very top and trickles down to every level. The corruption of the President is known by his ministers, the corruption of ministers is known by their secretaries, which is in turn, known by their staff. This goes all the way down to government employed security guards. There is corruption, bribery, and pillaging on every level, starting from the highest level, no matter which government is in power.  This behaviour is excused by others because those turning a blind eye to it are also involved in some sort of corruption, irrespective of the magnitude of it. I believe that the person in the highest position at the top of this system is responsible for the most significant forms of corruption. This type of top-level corruption takes place purely for the entertainment of the one responsible for the wrongdoings.  However, some individuals participate in corruption purely out of need. For example, a policeman at the bottom of this system may accept a bribe to buy their child a pair of shoes. This is also a trait of the uneven distribution of wealth in the country.  I believe that the only way we can stop corruption is to start at the top. There is no point of punishing those in the lower levels if we are excusing corruption done at the highest level. Presently, the JVP is engaged in educating people on this subject by exposing the corruption which takes place at the highest level.    The proposed Port City Economic Commission Bill has been making headlines lately. When it comes to establishing an SEZ such as the Port City, how would the JVP tackle this task?  There are two fronts through which we need investments. One is technological advancement and the other is practical advancement. However, I believe that several conditions should be imposed when allowing investments.  For example, former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe allowed tax reliefs for a large number of transactions related to the Shangri-La and Hambantota Port projects. In fact, when you consider the statistics, these tax reliefs will last for over 43 years, by the end of which Wickremesinghe will not be alive. Is this how a country should create solid investments?  When it comes to the Port City Bill, there are 14 acts that can be changed upon will. Further, the Bill states that investments and other transactions that take place within the Port City will not be under the purview of the Parliament. This has never happened before in the history of this country.  Moreover, none of the investment zones in Sri Lanka such as Koggala and Katunayake ever had inhabitants living within the zone itself. In the Port City, it is said that all zone workers would be able to live there. Further, those in authority of the Port City will not be elected by the citizens of Sri Lanka, which I believe is dangerous since the people will be unable to decide as to who comes to power. The Port City will function as a separate entity.  The Government’s excuse for this project is that this is a part of the country’s development. I raise this question in response to that. There is a large amount of land available in the whole of Sri Lanka. We have a vast ocean surrounding us, more than other countries. There are infinite national resources. Why is the Government not focusing on developing the natural resources and the land readily available in Sri Lanka, but instead focusing on this artificially created island, calling it the development of the country?    The provincial council (PC) elections are yet to take place. Do you have any idea about the delay in holding these elections?  I believe that PC elections are an empty vessel. These elections give people the false hope of equal participation in the political system. Even if the officials from a PC election are voted into office by the public, the decisions taken by the PC have always been influenced by a single person in power, usually in the Government.  Due to this, I do not see large consequences of the delays in holding the PC elections.    The Government has made several proposals to amend the PCs Act, which several governing coalition parties have objected to. What does the JVP feel about the proposed amendments?  As a party, the JVP feels that certain limitations should be imposed on the PCs Act. Instead of this, the Government is planning to amend the entire PC election system. We have received news of this even though the Government has not submitted any proposal such as this to the Parliament, nor have they informed the public about this. We also believe that the Government has submitted this proposal to the Cabinet. In our opinion, the most practical thing to do is to move forward with our current PC election system, but impose limitations to fit the current day and age.    The PC system was introduced as a solution to the national issue. What does the JVP think is the solution to the national issue?  We should understand that the PCs were introduced to Sri Lanka in 1988 on two fronts. One was the war which was raging in the North. The other was because of an Indian political influence, they wanted us to have PC elections. However, during the recent years, we can clearly see that the PC elections are not a solution to the current national issue, because the elections have not done any good in the recent past.  Regardless, the Tamil and Muslim minorities in this country now see the PC elections as their right. Therefore, destabilising the PC elections would be perceived as an act that takes away the rights of the minorities in the country. In this decisive moment, I do not think we should make such a decision.    Two important reports compiled by the PCoIs have been in the news lately. The JVP has made critical comments about these reports. What is your analysis of the Easter Sunday PCoI report?  There was a six-day debate in Parliament about the Easter attacks. I was only given one chance during these six days to present my opinion. There are several questions that need to be answered regarding the Easter attacks.  Recently, (Prime Minister) Mahinda Rajapaksa and (Government Spokesman) Keheliya Rambukwella admitted that Zaharan Hashim was on the payroll of the intelligence agencies of Sri Lanka. This is a normal thing and intelligence agencies have the authority to do that. However, my questions are: When did this team consisting of Zaharan go out of control? When did the intelligence agencies receive word of this? What actions were taken against them?  I also inquired into the unanswered question of the several warnings received by the intelligence agencies about the imminent attacks since 4 April 2019. On 4 April, intelligence agencies had received word that there were four methods in which a group of terrorists including Zaharan and Rilwan would attack the country.  On 20 April, a warning was issued, stating that the attack will happen on the next day. On 21 April, at 6.45 a.m., it was stated that the attack would happen between 8 a.m. and 10 a.m., and hotels and Catholic churches would be targeted. So even though this information was very sensitive and very accurate, why wasn’t anybody informed about this?  A person by the name of Jamerl, who was involved in the explosion which took place in Dehiwala was visited by an intelligence officer that day. What information was exchanged and why was he there?  We also received information that Zaharan received a phone call from Malaysia. What were the details of this call?    What about the PCoI report on alleged political victimisation that has garnered a lot of criticism from the Opposition benches? You too have made a strong speech in Parliament about it.  With regard to the PCoI report on political victimisation which was publicised in Parliament recently, 78 separate court cases are going on. Out of these 78 cases, the Commission has made me a wrongdoer in 10 of them. I have presented my defence in all these cases as well.  Instead of considering the statements made by various parliamentarians in other places, we should consider the facts. The fact is that a Cabinet decision has been made to hear these 78 court cases separately and the President is appointing a Special PCoI to look into these cases as well. One SPCoI was appointed on 5 February and another on 1 April.  With regard to the speech I made in Parliament, I believe that all of this is part of a circle of corruption that keeps continuing because it is generated at every level. Politicians are not the only ones playing a part in it. Out of 2,400 state workers, about 50 are involved in this corruption process. When it comes to the 84,000 persons in the police force, about 50 to 100 of them are also a part of this corruption ring. A handful of businessmen are also a part of this, while media institutions and their owners also are stakeholders in this.  I stand against this and will voice my opinion at every opportunity I get. This is the revolution that my party has taken on. If voicing my opinion and speaking the truth about this corruption is an offence, I will gladly present my defence in these cases.  I have also lodged a separate court case against the PCoI due to the involvement of the Avant Garde company and Supreme Court Judge Upali Abeyrathne, stating that he is not fit to be the decision maker and does not have the authority to investigate the Avant Garde complaint.    Recently, amendments were also made to the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) in the form of deradicalisation, which some describe to be as unconstitutional, raising serious human rights concerns. Do you agree with this?  While the PTA has not been constitutionalised yet, the Government has implemented several amendments to it, which can be perceived as deradicalisation efforts.  There are rather strict measures such as remanding individuals for one-and-a-half years and deploying Army officials instead of the Police to monitor offences. However, I do not think such measures are necessary and there should be other measures that can be used to maintain peace in the country.    Under the current regime, what are the main issues that average citizens face and how will the JVP propose to solve them?  The biggest problem that the people of the country face today is the economy, the immediate need of the people is a new economic model. We have understood that the current economy only benefits the people of wealthier families. Ever since Sri Lanka’s independence, the power of the country has been given to those with a higher economic status. I believe that if we were to change the country’s existing economic model, the power of the country should be given to people with limited wealth.  Recently, one incident which came to light was the wild elephant attacks taking place in rural areas. We could clearly see that in these areas, people live in constant fear of losing their lives, their crops, and their property. This is the economic environment that these people live in. However, the rulers of the country will never understand that fear because they never had to live through a day fearing such things. Therefore, what is absolutely necessary is constructing a new economic model, which can only be done by a ruler who understands these problems of the people in rural areas.  In terms of what the JVP has done so far, we have worked continuously on educating citizens of Sri Lanka on the current debt trap they are in. However, the current economy operates in a way that makes people complacent without realising the debt trap they are in. We have taken it upon us, as a party, to educate people on this.    A depreciating rupee, diminishing foreign reserves, and a general economic downturn is the current state of the country. Where did this all begin and how could it have been prevented?  None of these economic problems happened instantly. This current economic situation is the consequence and result of a series of decisions taken over a long period of time. However, I believe what mostly elevated the debt traps we have now fallen into was the decision to implement the open economy in 1978.  Regardless, it is not practical to only blame that single decision because all the governments which came to power after it, took steps to worsen the situation. From Chandrika’s rule, to Mahinda’s, to Maithripala’s, and now Gotabaya’s rule, everyone in power has taken decisions to elevate the problems caused by the 1978 open economy.    The JVP follows Communist and Marxist ideologies, how has the party integrated in the current political landscape of Sri Lanka? Is the JVP still what it used to be decades ago?  When our leader, Comrade Rohana Wijeweera was asked this question, he responded with: “The shoes of Russia are too big for us, the shoes of China are too small for us. What we are focused on is creating shoes that fit Sri Lanka.”  I wholeheartedly agree with this statement. Marxism is not a box to fit us into, it is more a frame to highlight our ideologies. We cannot constantly analyse if each of our decisions fit into the Marxist ideologies but we can ensure that they are framed within it.  Currently, our biggest battle is ensuring that the politics in this country are a public service instead of a business. We will not stop fighting for it until the goal is achieved.  There is a large economic gap in the country. When these statistics were analysed, we could see that 8.8% of the country’s wealth is being enjoyed by the wealthiest 10%. However, the poorest 10% of the country only receives 1.1% of the country’s wealth. Further, we have seen that 36.8% of the country’s wealth is distributed among those in the Western Province, while the North Central Province receives 5%, the Uva Province receives 5%, and the Southern Province receives 9%. So even if wealth is properly generated in the country, there is not an even distribution of wealth. This is one other thing that our party is fighting for.  In terms of whether the JVP is the same as it used to be decades ago, I believe that it is. Our principles are the same. The base on which we construct our ideologies and decisions is the same. However, the methods which we used to execute decisions have changed since the JVP’s inception. This is due to the technological, personal, geographical, and ideological changes in the country.    As seen in the past, the JVP has stood for the establishment of a socialist state, which has been deemed irrelevant in today’s global context. What are your thoughts on this?  I believe that the current global situation has shown us true socialism. We have seen a large technological improvement since the second World War. We have created missiles and new methods of communication. We have achieved technological milestones, but at what cost?  There are some people in this world whose entire wealth is equal to the wealth of a third world country. While billionaires enjoy their wealth, 25,000 children under the age of five die every single day. Look at the situation in our neighbouring country, India. While some jet away to escape the country, several people can't find enough firewood to cremate the bodies of their loved ones who died due to Covid-19.  I think the world itself has shown us why socialism is necessary. It has shown us why equal rights and equal distribution of wealth and humanity is required to go forward, no matter how many technological innovations take place.    Some say that the JVP is a party that is always on the sidelines shadowed by the Government in power and its Opposition. Does the party have a plan to change this?  I would say that we are not involved in the weekly parliamentary fight. They fight about certain things and then the same opposing members party together at night. We are not involved in this. We are involved in making changes and working towards finding solutions to all social issues raised in the Parliament. The only hindrance to that endeavour is that we are under-represented within the Parliament. During the time allocated to the JVP, we use it to shed light on the most pressing problems in the country.    During the last presidential and general elections, the JVP came forward with an electoral front that consisted of civil society groups and individuals. How does the JVP plan to move forward while maintaining its identity?  Our identity is one which seeks to create a better country and a better society for Sri Lankan citizens. While we do not follow just one person in terms of what we want to achieve to create what we term as an identity, our goal itself is our identity. This identity addresses current social issues, provides solutions for them and creates a better society for all citizens in Sri Lanka.    People are of the opinion that the JVP is a party that shares radically different ideals than other parties. How do you view this?  Most people today exist for the sake of it. We know that this is a world filled with injustice for the common man. Most of the time, a person takes no notice of this and goes about their life. The current destruction is not noticeable to that person.  We are not a party like that. We recognise the destruction that is happening presently. More importantly, we recognise the destruction that will affect the country’s future generations and we take a stand on it. Most of the present-day politicians are either unaware of this destruction or are a part of it. We are not silent in the face of this destruction. When we raise a voice, we will most likely also present a solution to it. This can be perceived as radical or revolutionary when compared with most of the other parties.    Has the party analysed why the public, despite counting on the JVP to raise a voice against corruption, crime, and other ill doings, does not convert that need into votes at elections?  Yes, we have seen that it is true. We can clearly see that there is a difference between the amiability people have for the party and conversion of this into electoral votes.  However, we can also see that there is a difference between what the public wants and their vote. No one wants a leader who will destabilise the country’s economy, but they knowingly vote for a leader who does just that. No one wants a leader who will destroy our forests and natural resources, but they vote for someone who does it regardless.  This shows that there is a clear difference between what the people want and who they vote for, which means that they are influenced by external factors. One of our challenges is identifying those external factors and convincing the public to vote for what they want, without being distracted by what is offered to them.


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