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A make-or-break presidency

24 Jul 2022

As much as Sri Lankans are used to lamenting 74 years of wasted opportunities in setting the course for a strong and independent nation, it must be kept in mind that many have been the opportunities that have been afforded to different leaders at different junctures to put things right, but every one of those opportunities has been squandered at the altar of political expediency, and the people, instead of taking issue with their leaders for their actions, have almost always meekly subscribed to the status quo. But that submissive mentality was turned on its head by the advent of the People’s Struggle, or Aragalaya, which for the first time in our history directly held to account the leaders and their actions.  For the political establishment, long used to having things its way, it has become an inconvenient apparatus that needs to be dismantled if the political status quo – or whatever is left of it – is to prevail. For a political animal like the newly-appointed Interim President, dealing with the likes of a powerful people’s movement that will keep him in check was likely to be anathema and explains the haste in which he decided to clamp down on it. However it appears that, 45 years of political acumen notwithstanding, he has made the gravest of errors just 24 hours after being sworn in as Interim President. Speaking of squandered opportunities, in May 2009, the Government of President Mahinda Rajapaksa was presented with the historic opportunity of uniting a broken nation and forging a brave new path of unity and reconciliation post-war, which if embarked upon at the time would have by now created a peaceful and prosperous nation. But that golden opportunity to forge a new Sri Lankan identity in the aftermath of the war was kicked out in favour of cashing in on electoral appeal – the price of which this country continues to pay today. It was a similar opportunity that was afforded to the new Interim President, who upon his swearing-in had every opportunity to preside over the unification of political forces in the national interest. Alas, that opportunity too was kicked aside with the decision to attack the peaceful Aragalaya on the one hand, which has yet again led to the polarisation of political forces, and on the other, missed the bus in appointing an all-party government, which would have gone a long way in establishing greater stability that is a prerequisite for the anticipated international funding the country so desperately needs. Ranil Wickremesinghe, in the three days since becoming Interim President, appears to have turned into Jekyll and Hyde, given the manner in which he outright condemned the attack on ‘GotaGoGama’ by lackeys of the former regime just three months ago, while his first act as President was to go one step further than his predecessor and use the military jackboot to mercilessly attack and dislodge the very same protesters. The despicable act, which has been roundly condemned by the global community, with images of the pre-dawn military crackdown making headline news across the globe, has put paid to any revival hopes of the tourism industry for the rest of this year.  It boggles the mind to contemplate as to what may have prompted Wickremesinghe to order the attack, given that the protesters had earlier in the day announced their intention to vacate the Presidential Secretariat, while local TV stations aired footage of protesters engaged in cleaning the premises in preparation for the handover in their news bulletins. Had the military not intervened, the building would have been peacefully handed over and the entire area would have been open to traffic and assumed an air of normalcy. Now, post-intervention, the area has been sealed off and Galle Road barricaded and the area looks like a military garrison. It is these images that are being beamed across the globe – military men in occupation of a public space that had become an icon to the world, now a symbol of State repression. Under Article 14 of the Constitution, every citizen is entitled to the freedom of speech and expression, the freedom of peaceful assembly, and the freedom of movement. Therefore, peaceful protest is an inalienable right of every citizen which the State is bound to defend and uphold. Whatever the excuse for this action, Wickremesinghe must remember that he owes his present job to the Aragalaya, for if people had not stormed the President’s House and Office on 9 July, the former President would still be in office. To now kick the ladder that put him at the top speaks very poorly of a man who throughout his 45-year political career has never been known to have been close to the people. The backlash from the military intervention has been unprecedented, with universal condemnation of the action. It is the worst possible start to a presidency that was pregnant with hope. All that hope has been destroyed by one reckless action that has now seriously compromised not only the prospects of an early IMF bailout, but also cast a shadow on the continuity of the GSP+ concession, as pointed out by the EU no less in a special statement. It has also made life that much harder for the Government come the UNHRC session due in September in Geneva. To say that Wickremesinghe has shot himself in the foot is an understatement given the enormity of the repercussions of the military action. For all intents and purposes, the Aragalaya movement as a whole was good for Sri Lanka. It portrayed Sri Lanka as a matured and well-behaved democracy and the peaceful manner in which the movement achieved its objectives endeared the country to the world. The Aragalaya itself had become a tourist attraction for being a great unifier of people. It was the tonic that Sri Lanka was thirsting for. But, like all things, there is a time and place for everything, and the Aragalaya, if it had been allowed to peacefully hand over the building as envisaged by the protesters, would have in all probability fizzled out, giving space for the new President to go about his business. But that is now unlikely to happen because the fading movement has been rebooted and reloaded by the actions of the new Interim President.  One cannot help but wonder whether Wickremesinghe, being the wily fox that he is, intentionally rebooted the Aragalaya so as to provide a cover should things not go according to plan. While Wickremesinghe’s priority on assumption of office should have been to detail a recovery plan to the nation, it instead appears to be vengeance directed at the very movement that gave him his job. Still just days into the job, there is a palpable sense of frustration that is building up among the people on the authoritarian approach of the new President. The Bar Association of Sri Lanka, the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka, clergy of all faiths, human rights organisations, and the people in general have joined the chorus in condemning the high-handed action of the Executive. The action has also drawn parallels to what life might have been like for the citizens in the north and east during the war, if this is how the military is used in the full glare of the global media spotlight. To say that the action has opened a can of worms is not far from reality. In addition, it would not be wrong to assume that the seeds have been sown for transforming the peaceful Aragalaya into a not-so-peaceful ‘Viplavaya’ (revolution). It was on this day 39 years ago that the seeds were sown to what was to become a three-decade-long war. That war began on Black Friday, 24 July 1983, when an ambush of a military convoy killed 13 soldiers in the north and led to Sinhalese mobs going on the rampage in the rest of the country. The violence could easily have been contained and a war averted had the politicians at the time acted with more circumspection, Wickremesinghe included. President J.R. Jayewardene, uncle of President Wickremesinghe, was slow to contain the violence for reasons best known to him and the country had to suffer the consequences for decades to come.  Jayewardene at the time was on a tricky wicket politically, having opted for a dubious referendum instead of a General Election that was due in 1982, in order to preserve his five-sixths majority in Parliament. As a result, serious questions were being raised as to the legitimacy of his mandate to govern. Similar questions are being raised today about his nephew, who does not have the people’s mandate to be even an MP, leave alone the president of the country. Given this scenario, it is all the more reason that Wickremesinghe should not be seen to be exploiting the excessive powers of the presidency in this interim tenure, which could easily trigger further public dissension. Wickremesinghe needs to be wary of the role that is demanded of him, of being a uniting figure rather than one causing further division. In this regard, he must not lose more time in calling for an all-party conference with a view to installing an all-party government for a specific period followed by a General Election. Under the 20th Amendment the President is empowered to dissolve Parliament after two-and-a-half years, which deadline falls in February next year. A Parliament that has lost its mandate – as evidenced by the unceremonious departure of the former President and the appointment of four different cabinets of ministers in four months or so – has now elected from among themselves a man who has no mandate whatsoever. It is a recipe for disaster.  Parliament in its present form is an absolute distortion of the people’s will as expressed through the Aragalaya over the past three months and it is critical that the voice of the people is heard over and above politicians. That is the only way that the stability demanded by the donor community can be achieved. The IMF has already hinted in the aftermath of the military attack on the Aragalaya that political stability is a sine qua non if the IMF is to even sit at the table. As things stand, there has been no improvement in any of the issues faced by the public following the appointment of the Interim President. By appointing the same cabinet of ministers that served under his predecessor, not much is expected to change either. Obtaining fuel now is a dream for many, unless they are prepared to camp out in their vehicles for three to four days to obtain 16 litres of fuel. The number plate system has also become a failure, with sheds running out of fuel to service even the queues with the specified number. According to official data, inflation continues to rise, touching 60% in June. The relief that has been spoken of by the President is yet to materialise and frustration as well as tempers are rising. Since 2001, for the past 21 years, it has been either Ranil Wickremesinghe or a Rajapaksa who has controlled the government and the present plight of the nation is a direct indictment of their collective leadership. The Aragalaya’s spirited fight for system change must not end in system failure due to constitutional bottlenecks. Notwithstanding all that, it is indeed unfortunate that the Interim President has chosen to kick aside the groundswell of goodwill directed towards him even by the Aragalaya that was willing to grant him space to perform. By kicking them in the gut, the President has demarcated the contours of a presidency that will in all probability make or break this country.  


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