• Dinesh and Harini cost least in foreign travel
• JVP/NPP plan anti-defection law
• CB Governor's tight grip

The armed conflict ended in 2009, but, even after 17 years, growing discontent in the North became glaringly visible due to a series of recent developments. While none of these incidents alone may trigger a major political crisis, collectively, they have reinforced perceptions among many Northern residents that long-standing political grievances remain unresolved.

The continued postponement of the Provincial Council (PC) Elections remains a major source of frustration. PCs were established under the 13th Amendment to the Constitution as a mechanism for devolving power, yet, Elections have been repeatedly delayed for yeaRs Many Tamil political parties argue that the absence of elected Provincial administrations weakens democratic representation and fuels public distrust in Colombo's commitment to devolution. They lament that India has lost the interest in the PC Elections, though they were instrumental in establishing the devolution system in 1987. Sri Lanka's Provincial administration system remains constitutionally significant despite the prolonged Electoral hiatus. 

Another controversial issue has been the transfer of judicial officers handling politically sensitive cases. Although judicial transfers are a normal administrative function, such moves often attract scrutiny in the North, where questions relating to accountability, land disputes, and wartime grievances remain highly sensitive. Critics contend that the timing of certain transfers can create perceptions of political interference, even when the authorities deny such allegations.

The annual commemoration of so-called "Maaveerar Naal (Great Heroes' Day)” has also continued to generate tensions. For many Tamil families, the event represents a remembrance of relatives lost during the conflict. However, the Sri Lankan State has traditionally viewed the celebrations through a national security lens because of their association with the defeated LTTE, a dreaded terrorist outfit banned in many countries including India, along with its Leader Velupillai Prabhakaran. The differing interpretations underscore the persistent divide between national security concerns and demands for cultural and political recognition. 

Further aggravating communal sensitivities are incidents involving religious symbols. Reports of the burning or vandalism of Buddhist Vesak lanterns in parts of the North have attracted considerable attention. While the authorities often investigate such incidents as isolated acts of vandalism, they carry a deeper symbolic significance in a country where religion and identity remain closely intertwined. Such occurrences risk being exploited by extremist elements on all sides to inflame communal sentiment.

Judge A.G. Alexraja was appointed to the Jaffna High Court (HC) on 22 April. Barely a month later, he was reassigned to the Badulla HC, effective 31 May, an unusually short tenure for a posting in which HC Judges ordinarily serve three to four yeaRs Some lawyers linked the move to interim orders that the Judge issued in a writ petition in which the Northern Province Governor was a respondent, and to his uncompromising sentencing in narcotics cases. The Judicial Service Commission (JSC), which is Chaired by the Chief Justice (CJ) and ordered the transfer, has not publicly addressed the issue. The Governor's office stated the Governor had no connection to the transfer. The clarification, however, appeared to do little to quiet the concerns circulating within Jaffna's legal community, where many lawyers said that they remained unconvinced. In the absence of a PC, the Governor overseas all the PC functions in the Province.

Meanwhile, the Jaffna Bar Association (JBA) wrote to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, protesting against the transfer of Judge Alexraja. To petition the President over a transfer ordered by the JSC is, in practice, to challenge a decision in which the CJ himself took part in. Several lawyers spoke candidly about what that could mean for a practitioner: the displeasure of the most powerful figure in the Judiciary, the possibility of disciplinary consequences, or damage to one’s professional status. However, most members of the JBA, disassociated from the petition.

Taken together, these developments reveal a deeper challenge confronting Sri Lanka. The North's grievances are no longer centred on the armed conflict but on questions of political representation, justice, cultural recognition, and trust in State institutions. Economic development alone may not be sufficient to address these concerns. Sustainable reconciliation requires credible democratic processes, the equal application of the law, the protection of religious freedoms, and meaningful dialogue between communities.

The lesson for policymakers is clear: unresolved political issues do not disappear with time. They often resurface through seemingly disconnected incidents, creating an undercurrent of dissatisfaction that, if ignored, can undermine national unity and long-term stability. Sri Lanka's challenge is therefore not merely maintaining peace, but building a political settlement in which all communities feel that they have a genuine stake in the country's future.

Dinesh and Harini cost the least in foreign travel

Former PM  Dinesh Chandra Rupasinghe Gunawardena, who served  from 22 July 2022 to 23 September 2024, recorded the lowest foreign travel expenditure among the four PMs, the other three being Percy Mahendra Mahinda Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Dr Harini Nireka Amarasuriya. Gunawardena undertook four foreign visits to Thailand, China on two occasions, and to South Korea. The total expenditure on those visits amounted to Rs 3,431,922.91.

Dr Amarasuriya, undertook eight foreign visits to Germany, France, Thailand, Canada, Switzerland, China, India and the Philippines, with the total expenditure on those visits amounting to Rs 11,546,694.56. While Wickremesinghe, who served as PM from 12 May 2022 to 21 July 2022, did not undertake any foreign visits as PM, Rajapaksa, PM from 21 November 2019 to 9 May 2022, made three official foreign visits to Bangladesh, Italy and India at a total cost of Rs 42,315,510.79.

JVP/NPP plan anti-defection law

Political defections by Parliamentarians leading to regime changes is not a new phenomenon to Sri Lanka. The first major defection was in 1951, when Minister Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike left the UNP Government with nine MPs to form the SLFP. That defection could not topple the Government, but the SLFP led Mahajana Eksath Peramuna came to power five years later in 1956.

The first successful crossover to topple a Government occurred on 3 December 1964 when senior Minister Charles Percival de Silva crossed from PM Sirima Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike's Government benches to the Opposition with 13 MPs. It was masterminded by Cyril Esmond Lucien Wickremesinghe, Ranil Wickremesinghe’s father with the active financial backing of Samson Senapala Samarakoon Wijesinha.

The rebellion was sparked by disagreements over the Government's alliance with leftist parties and internal power struggles within the ruling party. The Government subsequently lost a crucial Parliamentary vote by a single vote, forcing the dissolution of Parliament and fresh Elections in 1965. Surprisingly, Savumiamoorthy Thondaman of the Ceylon Workers Congress, who was an elected MP, broke the tradition and voted against the Government. The defeat paved the way for a UNP-led coalition under Dudley Shelton Senanayake. 

President Junius Richard Jayewardene, who won a five/sixth majority in 1977, brought in not only an anti-defection regulation in the 1978 Constitution, but also obtained undated resignation letters from all the UNP MPs as an effective weapon against their possible defection. Hence, the idea of a stronger anti-defection mechanism by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) is not new. 

Cabinet of Ministers Spokesperson Dr Walakada Appuhamilage Nalinda Wajiramal Jayatissa’s announcement last week at the Cabinet briefing has reopened a decades-old debate over the rights of elected representatives, party discipline, and the sanctity of the people's mandate.

The National People’s Power (NPP) Government and its key partner the JVP enjoy a massive majority with 159 MPs and the Party would like to keep them under strict check as the much-stated desire to rule the country for a few decades. 

The JVP has enough reasons to worry as Sri Lanka's political landscape has long been shaped by Parliamentary crossovers, with MPs shifting allegiance from one party to another, often altering the balance of power. Renewed discussions on introducing a comprehensive anti-defection law have once again brought this controversial issue to the forefront of the national debate.

CB Governor's tight grip

The Central Bank (CB) Governor stood confidently before the microphones and declared: "We have implemented tight monetary policies to stabilise economic pressures."

The audience nodded respectfully. After all, "tight monetary policy" sounds far more sophisticated than "we’re squeezing everyone until inflation behaves."

According to the Governor, the policy is now so tight that even a Rs 10 note feels uncomfortable leaving a wallet. Banks have become reluctant to lend, businessmen have become reluctant to invest, and consumers have become reluctant to breathe without first checking interest rates.

One puzzled journalist asked whether the economy was recovering.

"Absolutely," replied the Governor. "The patient is showing excellent discipline."

"Is the patient healthy?"

"That's a different question."

Citizens across the country have reportedly embraced the policy. Shop owners have tightened their belts. Factory owners have tightened their budgets. Homeowners started to pawn their jewellery. Some families have become so accustomed to tightening that they can no longer remember what a loose monetary policy looks like.

"He is a man of remarkable discipline," said one Minister. "When he says tight policy, he means tight policy. Last week, he refused to lend his office stapler to a colleague because it would increase liquidity in the stationery market."

The Governor himself remains optimistic."Inflation is under control."

"What about growth?"

"Tightly controlled."

"What about investment?"

"Tightly controlled."

"What about public spending?"

"Very tightly controlled."

"What about public happiness?"

The Governor paused."We don't have a reliable index for that yet."

Rumours suggest that the next CB report will contain a reassuring message: "The economy may appear to be standing still, but this shouldn’t be mistaken for stagnation. It is merely the result of exceptionally successful stabilisation."

And thus, the nation sleeps peacefully, comforted by the knowledge that while prices, investments, businesses, and aspirations may fluctuate, one thing remains constant: The Governor's grip on the monetary policy is tighter than a jar lid that nobody can open.

The views and opinions expressed in this column are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect those of this publication