-
Port City Commission Act cements China’s strategic entrenchment, to India’s chagrin
-
Speaker orders probes on whether Port City Bill gained two-thirds majority or not
-
GMOA under fire for administering limited Covishield stocks to families and friends
-
MoD and US Embassy refute rumours of new domestic terror threat in Sri Lanka
The issue of the Colombo Port City Economic Commission is now done and dusted, with Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena on Thursday (27) signing and validating the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Bill, which was passed by Parliament the previous week.
The Speaker had signed the Act into law at around 11.30 a.m. on Thursday, the Speaker's Office announced.
Thereby, the Colombo Port City Economic Commission Act is now effective.
However, the legislation has surfaced several key geopolitical issues, from whether Sri Lanka will be able to effectively implement its non-aligned foreign policy, to the degree to which Sri Lanka will permit the Chinese to dictate its domestic policy.
The Port City has also pushed India to rethink its position in Sri Lanka – is India still Sri Lanka’s big brother, or has the island now found itself a new big brother in China?
India, as well as other nations focused on the Indian Ocean region, believes that the Colombo Port City is the second major project for China in Sri Lanka, following the acquisition of the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease. These two projects play a key role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
India reportedly views China’s BRI, as well as the Maritime Silk Route, as Beijing’s ventures to boost its influence in the world and saddle countries taking Chinese loans for the projects within the initiatives with unsustainable levels of debt.
The Chinese influence in Sri Lanka continues with China also receiving another major development project in the country – the elevated highway project – a week after the passage of the Port City Economic Commission legislation. Chinese companies are already engaged in many development projects covering key economic sectors in Sri Lanka.
To India, all these are a series of continuous blows to its position as the regional superpower, since China seems to be setting up base right in India’s most strategically significant maritime neighbour – Sri Lanka. Given China’s growing ties with other South Asian countries, including Pakistan and Bangladesh, India seems to be in danger of geopolitical encirclement.
India has already suffered two setbacks in Sri Lanka. First was the decision by the Sri Lankan Government to renege on the tripartite agreement reached with India and Japan on the development of the Eastern Container Terminal (ECT) in the Colombo Port. The change in the Government’s stance on the ECT early this year was the first to sour relations between Sri Lanka and India.
The next issue was the granting of several hybrid renewable energy projects in the islands off the Jaffna peninsula to a Chinese company. Although the Government of Sri Lanka claimed the awarding of the project was following a tender process initiated by the Asian Development Bank (ADB), to India, it was the Chinese gaining access to India’s backyard, given the close proximity between the respective islands and India.
India immediately approached the Government led by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, and communicated its concerns over the project being granted to China, proposing that India would provide funding for the said project instead. India’s intention was for the Sri Lankan Government to cancel the tender and to proceed with the project with the funding promised by India. However, months have elapsed, and the Sri Lankan Government is yet to respond to the Indian request.
Several Cabinet ministers have however stated that cancelling such a tender would result in the country facing legal implications. Nevertheless, to India, all these are signs of Sri Lanka systematically snubbing its traditional democratic allies in favour of building stronger commercial and military ties with communist China.
Consequences of the SC determination
It is in this backdrop that emphasis should be laid on the Port City Economic Commission Act that has been implemented.
The piece of legislation was amended in line with recommendations by a five-judge Supreme Court (SC) bench to ensure the Bill was in accordance with the Constitution. The SC bench determined that one-third of the Bill – 25 of the 75 clauses – were in violation of the Constitution. The Government agreed to amend the Bill accordingly, allowing it to pass by a simple majority with 149 votes.
The once-main Opposition, United National Party (UNP), was one of the petitioners to challenge the Port City Economic Commission Bill before the SC. Attorney Eraj de Silva, who appeared for the UNP, submitted some of the key points that were determined as inconsistent with the Constitution by the SC.
The UNP legal team last week prepared a document that noted that the SC determination had taken away to a large extent, the “teeth” of the original Port City Bill, so much so that what has now been passed is just a “half-baked” version of what was originally envisaged. In other words, the “concept” behind the Bill is completely undermined.
According to the working note, the original concept, in effect, was to have a separate territory (the Port City – some four hectares of land) under the purview of an all-powerful “Commission”, which had complete control over permitting any kind of business enterprise and regulating all aspects of living (in effect, make laws, make regulations, impose criminal sanctions, levy taxes, and regulate all aspects of living and business within the Port City).
In respect of enterprise, it could (a) operate as a one-stop shop (single window facilitator); (b) suspend the operation of complete enactments (i.e., Income Tax Act, Customs Act, etc.); and (c) permit such enterprises to engage with businesses in mainland Sri Lanka. Following the SC determination, this concept has changed in many ways, including that it is no more a one-stop shop, but a “two-stop shop”.
“The original Bill envisaged the one-stop shop (single window facilitator) where all regulatory authorities in Sri Lanka (including Customs, Excise, the Monetary Board, Central Environmental Authority, Controller of Immigration and Emigration, Registrar General of Companies, etc.) ‘shall give their concurrence’ to any enterprise approved by the Commission.”
This has changed in, at least, two significant respects:
Now, not only must the Commission approve a new business, but so must the relevant mainland regulatory authority (where applicable) (in effect, now a “two-stop shop”); while the regulatory authorities will continue to exercise power over the enterprise (i.e., monitoring, supervisions, etc.).
For example, if a Port City enterprise commits excise violations, the Commissioner General of Excise may take action in the normal way, the note had pointed out. In other words, de facto regulatory authority of the Commission has now been taken away.
Similarly:
- i) Taxation powers taken away
- ii) The power to criminalise taken away
- iv) No ouster of court’s jurisdiction
- v) Parliamentary oversight over all regulations and taxes
- Provide a second dose of Covishield vaccine to all the healthcare workers, other front-line workers and their immediate family members, solely based on “exposure risk”, as minor staff members working in a Covid ward have a higher risk of exposure than administrative medical officers. We feel it is best, following the recent directive of the Army Commander, to define immediate family members for such vaccination.
- Arrange the first dose of Sinopharm vaccine as an urgent priority to all the frontline workers, health workers, and others, and their immediate family members islandwide.