As President Anura Kumara Dissanayake prepares to mark his first year in office on 23 September, the question dominating both political circles and ordinary conversations is a sobering one: is the National People’s Power (NPP) Government losing the plot? What was hailed as a new chapter in Sri Lankan politics, one that promised a break from the cronyism, corruption, and stagnation of the past, is increasingly looking like it is turning into yet another story of missed opportunities, disorganisation, and disillusionment. That is by no means to say that there have been no positive gains; there have been, but far short of what it promised – in 100 days, six months, and one year.
To any independent political observer, the first impression of the NPP Government as it approaches the first-year milestone, is the absence of a coherent plan of action, choosing rather to take things one day at a time with the prime motivation being to keep its core base satisfied. That has been the case when it comes to foreign policy, economy, reform, anti-corruption initiatives, and pretty much everything else, with the common thread being the absence of consistency, thus sending out the vibes of a Government at cross-purposes.
From the outside, the impression of this administration is one of confusion. Ministries contradict each other, officials resign under pressure, and the public is left guessing which version of events is true. The fiasco surrounding Sri Lanka’s non-participation at the recent Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit is emblematic.
While the Cabinet Spokesman insisted that the President’s “busy schedule” was to blame, the Foreign Ministry bluntly said Sri Lanka had not been invited. Yet, on the day of the summit, the President was seen visiting Katchatheevu and attending political events – hardly the kind of commitments that would have prevented participation at this strategically important international gathering. The varying excuses for non-participation only go to show the level of dysfunction within, and, as far as the people are concerned, the inconsistency is more than a mere public relations embarrassment, because it reflects the Government’s inability to get its story straight even on a matter of strategic importance.
In a world where the balance of power is shifting faster than quicksand – with Asian giants China, India, and Russia experimenting with new alignments – Sri Lanka cannot afford to appear absent, confused, or irrelevant. For a nation whose greatest asset is its geostrategic location, to miss such networking opportunities is to squander leverage at the very moment it is most valuable and opportune. US President Donald Trump’s unpredictable policies in Washington have accelerated global realignments. China is deepening its partnerships with Russia, India, and others, while the US looks increasingly isolated. In this context, Sri Lanka’s absence from the SCO is more than symbolic and risks alienating new economic opportunities at a time when traditional Western aid is shrinking.
The NPP came to power with the moral authority of a long struggle against corruption and elitism. Its 1,000-page manifesto was heavy with promises: development driven by equity, justice in law enforcement, and a clean break from the impunity of the old guard. Yet, one year later, the record is thin.
It has been reported that thus far capital expenditure is at less than 20% of what was budgeted, with 80% of allocated funds lying idle, pointing to ‘development’ having stalled. There have been no landmark projects unveiled thus far other than rehashed projects of regimes past that were shelved due to the economic crunch. Just 20% spent means very little money has flowed into villages. As a result, job creation has remained low. For a movement that promised to democratise the economy and “bring prosperity to the grassroots,” the inertia is disappointing.
While investigating the past matters, it cannot be the sole agenda of a Government in power. There is an audience for exposing past misdeeds, yes. But there is a larger, impatient audience that expects progress. The more the Government focuses on history, the more it risks becoming history itself.
Another reason for the slow start is that State officials appear to be quite fearful of witchhunts and therefore risk-averse. Institutional heads seem to prefer resigning rather than putting their signature to decisions that might later put them in trouble while the politicians walk away. The irony is that instead of revitalising the public service, the Government’s obsession with prosecuting its predecessors has more or less paralysed it, bringing the very machinery needed to deliver on promises to a grinding halt.
To make matters worse, the NPP itself now faces its own corruption allegations. From container import clearance to coal tenders, whispers have grown louder. A Government that rode to power on the back of exposing others seems to be becoming trapped in the same cycle of scandal and denial even before its first year is out.
The Gampaha incident last week, where JVP cadres forcibly occupied the Frontline Socialist Party office, allegedly under the watch of a Deputy Minister, has come as a stark reminder of how power intoxicates even those who once decried abuse. The use of Police resources to protect the ‘seized’ property mirrors precisely the misuse of State institutions that the NPP once condemned.
When the media raised questions about the matter, the Cabinet Spokesman’s curt advice to “complain to the Police” revealed the deeper rot: that the law was far from being equal to all. Already there are numerous instances that when allies are implicated, investigations mysteriously stall. Elsewhere, court orders, despite reminders, remain unenforced. This selective application of justice, needless to say, has undermined the moral foundation of the NPP experiment.
For ordinary Sri Lankans, however, the question is simpler: has the quality of life improved in the past 12 months? The answer is too obvious, with the cost of living remaining what it was. As far as the average household is concerned, the sense of economic relief the NPP promised is yet to arrive. While it is true that Sri Lanka is still constrained by its IMF commitments and debt repayments, the NPP went to great lengths to suggest that it would change the commitments to ensure a better deal for the people. Having failed on that score it now cannot hide behind international conditions to bring down the cost of living.
Meanwhile the regime finds itself in the middle of a fresh storm with Opposition parties accusing the NPP of being unpatriotic for treating a former naval commander like a common criminal. The plight of former Commander of the Navy Nishantha Ulugetenne, detained on charges many believe are frivolous, highlights another fracture. Opposition parties have seized on the case as evidence of ‘increasing State repression’. The weaponisation of law enforcement and selective pursuit of cases, combined with the failure to act on others, seems to have deepened the perception of targeted State repression.
For a society that has been baptised by fire as a result of the JVP’s own actions of the past, the broader social impact of such repression could be quite corrosive. The danger is that people could in fact begin to lose faith not only in the Government but in democracy itself, because it was the NPP that marketed itself as the last option available. Unless President Dissanayake and his team urgently reorient their focus from prosecuting the past to building the future, they may find that public patience, once their greatest asset, may become their greatest liability.
History is littered with movements that rose on waves of popular discontent, only to falter once in power. The NPP, with its fiery rhetoric and promise of a new political culture, risks becoming the latest cautionary tale if it doesn’t get its act together soon enough. Disorganisation, selective justice, stifled development, and missed diplomatic opportunities all point to a regime adrift. One year is not long in the life of a government, but it is long enough to signal intent.
The upcoming UNHRC sessions in Geneva that are to commence on Monday (8) will by default be an acid test of the NPP’s ability to defend the State against external criticism. Already, human rights groups are reported to be gearing up for a combative encounter. The Government’s first real international outing is unlikely to be a cakewalk.