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Underestimating the power of the human spirit

11 Jul 2022

“People should not be afraid of their governments; governments should be afraid of their people,” is a well-known quote from Alan Moore and David Lloyd's graphic novel V for Vendetta published in the 1980s, which scores of Sri Lankans, fed up with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s incompetence, short-sightedness, and failures, proved on Saturday (9).  Thousands of people thronged the official residences of the President and Prime Minister, the Prime Minister’s private residence, and the Presidential Secretariat, leading to major milestones in ongoing anti-Government protests – President Rajapaksa agreed to resign on Wednesday (13), and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe agreed to resign once an all-party Government is formed. What happened in Sri Lanka made international headlines. International media outlets, especially South Asian ones, reported Sri Lanka’s uprising as a warning to politicians that have failed to serve the people and have robbed their countries’ wealth. At the same time, international commentators emphasised that what happened in Sri Lanka shows that the people’s power is always higher than the powers people have given to politicians, and that people should not be afraid to exercise their powers. While the “aragalaya” (the struggle) is not quite over yet and Sri Lankans are still contending with the adverse circumstances that led to the “aragalaya”, it has taught us several things that should be remembered and learnt from as a nation. The main lesson is that the people’s power should not be underestimated by the people’s representatives, and most importantly, by the people themselves.  From the very beginning, the Rajapaksa Government – led by strongmen, deceivers, and figures with no public confidence – attempted to thwart anti-Government protests in every way possible, instead of addressing the issues that led the citizens to protest. To make matters worse, law enforcement agencies and defence forces also played a huge role in this process. Despite the fact that following orders is part of their job, especially in crises, the reputation the military had built in the Sinhalese-dominated South as humane saviours of the nation and protectors of the people was tarnished by their anti-civilian and pro-Government actions. The Sri Lanka Police, which had a less-than-stellar public image, lost further respect in the eyes of the people. Obtaining court orders and declaring curfew were the main strategies of the Police, and when such attempts failed, law enforcement authorities took the responsibility of dispersing protestors, even if it meant using excessive or disproportionate force, which resulted in injuries to multiple people and one death. Such attempts were seen in the case of 9 July protests as well, with the main objective of the Government and the authorities being to prevent anti-Government protestors from travelling to Colombo.  First, when the Police’s attempt to obtain a court order against the 9 July protests failed, a Police curfew was imposed in several parts of the Western Province, where protests were likely to be, or were being, held. As pointed out by legal experts including the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) there is no provision for a “Police curfew”, which the Government imposed on many occasions during the past two years in light of Covid-19, under the Police Ordinance.  Blocking public transport was the next stage of this anti-citizen agenda. Lanka Indian Oil Corporation (LIOC) – the only fuel supplier providing fuel to non-essential services and the general public at present – was instructed to stop the sale of fuel on 8 and 9 July, which was clearly an attempt to stop protestors from having sufficient fuel to reach protest sites. At the same time, train operators had been instructed to stop trains from operating on 9 July, which railway trade unions including station masters defied, while openly citing the importance of trains operating on that day. There was also a brief strike by the Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB), which ended on the morning of 9 July, which the general public felt was another attempt to discourage protestors. Nevertheless, united and determined protestors showed that these conspiracies could not stop them. While those who had vehicles transported protestors to protest sites, others walked to Colombo from as far away as Negombo and even beyond. Those who were too far away to walk held protests in their respective areas and on online platforms, and provided protestors in Colombo with other forms of assistance such as food and water. It is this unity – where every person did what they could – that defeated the Government’s plans aimed at weakening the protests.  At the same time, the country saw a handful of Police and military/Special Task Force (STF) officers joining protestors, while railway officials defied orders to provide transport services to protestors coming from outside Colombo. These proved that laws, regulations, and authority cannot suppress the spirit of the crisis-hit Sri Lankan that thirsts for change.  What transpired last Saturday will be written in history books as a day Sri Lankans took back the power they had given to the country’s leaders. However, the leaders’ resignations are merely the first step, and the “aragalaya” is not over until a set of politicians and administrators that love the country and have the desire and skills to change it for the better are chosen. Sri Lankans have come a long way, but they have miles to go before they can sleep.


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