Sri Lanka’s ongoing economic adjustment under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government continues to move along the tightrope between International Monetary Fund (IMF)-backed stabilisation and mounting domestic political pressure. The IMF has projected economic growth to slow sharply to 3% in 2026 from 5% in 2025, while warning that higher oil prices and weaker tourism earnings are expected to worsen inflation and pressure the external sector.
The latest IMF disbursement under the Extended Fund Facility (EFF), however, has reinforced external confidence in the reform programme, but it has also sharpened the debate at home over who ultimately bears the cost of adjustment and how long the public can tolerate continued economic restraint.
At the same time, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka’s (CBSL) decision to raise interest rates has underscored the Government’s commitment to maintaining monetary discipline, even as inflationary pressures and external shocks re-emerge. While these policy signals are designed to reassure international lenders and protect fragile reserves, they also risk tightening financial conditions for households and businesses already navigating a slow and uneven recovery.
Within this broader economic backdrop, political fault lines are becoming more visible. From disagreements over fiscal direction and election timing to competing narratives within the Opposition and scrutiny of governance practices under the JVP/NPP administration, the space for consensus appears limited. Even symbolic actions by senior officials are being closely read as indicators of whether the Government is prioritising austerity-driven credibility or political responsiveness.
Against this backdrop, the unfolding story is no longer just about macroeconomic stabilisation. It is increasingly about whether President AKD and his JVP/NPP Government can convert IMF-aligned reforms into visible and sustained public relief, while managing the political costs of reform in an environment where patience is steadily thinning.
Message to IMF
Meanwhile, the decision of the CBSL to raise interest rates last week was not merely about controlling inflation. It was also a political and financial signal, particularly to the IMF.
By increasing the Overnight Policy Rate (OPR) by 100 basis points to 8.75%, the CBSL effectively showed global lenders that Colombo remains committed to monetary discipline, even at the cost of slowing domestic growth.
The move came as inflation had begun to rise again, driven by higher global oil prices linked to Middle East tensions and increasing domestic demand. But beneath the economic reasoning lies a deeper concern that Sri Lanka cannot afford to lose international confidence so soon after emerging from sovereign default.
For the IMF, the rate hike reinforces the image of a Central Bank willing to act early against inflation rather than allowing political pressure to dictate policy. After years of criticism over delayed decisions and policy missteps that contributed to the 2022 collapse, policymakers appear determined to avoid repeating the same mistakes.
The economic consequences, however, will be felt by the masses as higher interest rates mean more expensive loans, weaker consumer spending, and tighter conditions for businesses already struggling with rising fuel and energy costs. Families that had only just begun recovering from the crisis now face another wave of financial pressure through increased living expenses and higher debt repayments.
The political challenge for the Government is that public tolerance for economic pain is far lower than it was prior to the crisis. People may understand the need for stability, but they also remember how quickly inflation and shortages spiralled out of control just a few years ago.
Sajith calls AKD
Meanwhile, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has reportedly informed President AKD by telephone that an All-Party Conference (APC) should be convened immediately to discuss the crisis that has arisen in the country alongside the rise of the US Dollar.
Accordingly, the Opposition had already pushed for an APC, and reports indicate that the Opposition Leader’s request had received a positive response.
In addition, Opposition political parties have also requested Speaker of Parliament Jagath Wickramaratne to hold an urgent parliamentary debate regarding the country’s current economic crisis.
Harini’s example
Amidst the continuing economic sensitivities faced by the country and the Government, Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya appears to have quietly delivered a lesson in political accountability during her recent official visit to the United Kingdom, one that many in both the Government and Opposition may find difficult to ignore.
At a time when public anger over political privilege still lingers, Amarasuriya chose not to indulge in the lavish practices traditionally associated with overseas VVIP travel. Instead of checking into luxury hotels and entertaining entourages at expensive star-class restaurants, the Prime Minister had stayed at the official residence of Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to the UK, significantly reducing the cost of the visit.
For decades, foreign tours by Sri Lankan political leaders have often attracted criticism for excessive spending at taxpayers’ expense, with luxury accommodation, large delegations, and extravagant hospitality becoming almost routine regardless of the country’s economic condition. Against that backdrop, Amarasuriya’s decision carries symbolic as well as political weight.
The gesture may appear modest, but in a country still recovering from an economic crisis and demanding greater accountability from its leaders, symbolism matters. More importantly, it sets a benchmark for future official travel, one based on restraint rather than privilege.
AKD gets tough
Meanwhile, President AKD, it is learnt, has decided to take a firm stand regarding senior members of the Government, especially in relation to public statements made by them.
It is also learnt that the ruling party is looking at issuing a set of guidelines to the JVP/NPP Members of Parliament (MPs) including ministers and deputy ministers, outlining their work roles and responsibilities as well as in relation to public statements.
AKD’s decision to initiate this action has been driven by the controversial statements made in public by ruling party members including senior Government ministers about governance and Government policies. The President on several occasions had also personally spoken to some senior Government ministers whenever they made controversial comments that had been subjected to either public outrage or ridicule.
It is in such a backdrop that the President and several senior ruling party members have discussed the need to issue guidelines to ruling party MPs outlining their duties, including the manner in which they should make public statements. One of the key guidelines will be the need to divert certain questions to members of the Government capable and assigned to make statements on relevant topics.
New appointments
The Government meanwhile is expected to witness several changes in key positions, including the Presidential Secretariat.
While there have been several media reports about Secretary to the President Nandika Sanath Kumanayake being replaced in the coming months, it is learnt that he is expected to resign from his current post come July. He is likely to be replaced by the current Chief of Staff to the President, Prabath Chandrakeerthi, who is among the top contenders to the post.
It is also learnt that Kumanayake will be appointed as an ambassador to a foreign mission, most likely in the US.
It is further learnt that there will also be a new chair appointed to the Board of Investment (BOI), which currently has Sulakshana Jayawardena as the Acting Chairperson. The new BOI chairperson is tipped to be Senior Economic Adviser to the President Duminda Hulangamuwa.
Ministry of Transport Secretary Kapila Perera, meanwhile, resigned from the post on Friday (29). The resignation came following a Supreme Court ruling which found that Perera had violated the Fundamental Rights of W.S. Sathyananda, whom he had appointed as Additional Secretary to the ministry.
Mahinda to return
Meanwhile, former Minister turned diplomat Mahinda Samarasinghe, who has served for several years as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the US, has decided to step down from the post in July. What is notable is that Samarasinghe has reportedly decided to resign from the position before the end of his official term.
He was appointed as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the US on 6 December 2021, during the administration of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR). During that period, when Sri Lanka was severely affected by the Covid-19 pandemic, Samarasinghe is said to have played a major role as Ambassador in securing vaccines and other medicines needed by the country.
In addition, during the final phase of GR’s presidency, when Sri Lanka faced a severe economic crisis, Samarasinghe reportedly succeeded in obtaining significant assistance from the US to help the country recover.
For this reason, both President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who succeeded GR, and later President AKD continued to retain Samarasinghe in the ambassadorial post.
During that time, he had also reportedly made extensive efforts from the US to reduce tariff rates imposed by US President Donald Trump.
However, it is learnt that Samarasinghe has now decided to resign from his ambassadorial position before completing his term.
Sources noted that following reports of his planned resignation, several major Opposition parties have already proposed that he be considered for the post of foreign minister in a future government.
Spotlight on the fund
Meanwhile, a post on social media last week revealed some interesting facts about the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Fund, which caused much controversy, with even Opposition lawmakers questioning its legitimacy when it was set up, following responses from the Presidential Secretariat under the Right to Information (RTI) Act.
The RTI application was filed by Rehan Jayawickreme. He noted in a post on social media that Sri Lankan citizens had a right to know how every rupee and dollar received into a public fund was utilised, in a transparent and accountable manner.
The latest disclosure on the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Fund is likely to raise more questions than answers. On paper, the numbers are impressive – over Rs. 6.1 billion and $ 11.4 million in contributions within a matter of months, channelled through major State banks and the CBSL. In practice, however, the absence of basic transparency risks turning what should be a national recovery instrument into yet another administrative black box.
The response provided under the RTI Act has revealed a striking gap: while inflows are recorded, the identities of donors, the breakdown of spending, and even audit records are reportedly not readily available. In any public fund, particularly one branded around national ‘rebuilding,’ such omissions are not minor technical issues as they expand to the heart of accountability.
However, it is not an unfamiliar pattern in the country’s governance landscape as special funds are often launched with urgency and political visibility, but the institutional discipline required to track disbursement, procurement, and outcomes tends to lag behind.
If ‘rebuilding’ is to mean more than a slogan, the architecture of transparency has to be built into the fund itself and not reconstructed after questions are raised.
Reforming the robe
Meanwhile, the country’s political leadership has finally been forced into a conversation it has long avoided: who disciplines the Sangha when the Sangha itself stands accused?
President AKD’s announcement during the State Vesak Festival that the Government intends to revive a ‘Dharmadhikaranaya’ and amend the Vihara and Devalagam Ordinance is more than a routine legal reform proposal. It is an acknowledgment that public confidence in the Buddhist establishment is under serious strain.
Within a span of a few weeks, the country has witnessed two deeply troubling developments – the arrest of Anuradhapura Atamasthana Chief Prelate Ven. Pallegama Hemarathana Thera over allegations involving the rape of a minor, and the Court of Appeal’s decision to uphold the conviction of a monk sentenced for sexually abusing a nine-year-old boy.
These are no longer isolated scandals dismissed as unfortunate exceptions. They have become part of a broader national debate about power, protection, and accountability inside one of the country’s most influential institutions.
For decades, successive governments avoided confronting misconduct within the clergy, largely out of political caution, given that the Sangha remains deeply intertwined with Sinhala-Buddhist political legitimacy, making reform both sensitive and risky. Politicians have come to a position where they now seek endorsement from temples and temples, in turn, accumulate extraordinary social and political influence.
That is why former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s (CBK) intervention this past week carries significance beyond nostalgia or historical reflection. Her remarks point to a recurring pattern where every serious attempt at reforming the Buddhist establishment has eventually collided with institutional resistance from within.
The deeper issue confronting the country is not merely criminal misconduct by individual monks. It is whether the structures governing the Sangha remain capable of enforcing discipline credibly and transparently in the modern era.
The proposed revival of a ‘Dharmadhikaranaya’ may offer one pathway forward. But unless reforms are genuinely independent and insulated from political and clerical pressure, they risk becoming symbolic exercises designed to contain public anger rather than restore public trust.
Tilvin’s take on PC Polls
Meanwhile, the Government is facing renewed and intensified talks on the need to hold the long-delayed Provincial Council (PC) Polls this year. The political debate was further fuelled by a recent statement by JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva that the PC Elections cannot be held this year due to funding constraints.
However, there was much discussion last week among Opposition politicians and civil society on who is really running the Government – the NPP or the Pelawatte JVP Headquarters? – after a senior Government Minister had confidently declared a few weeks back that the PC Elections would be held this year, while Silva noted that the polls would not be held this year at all. The JVP General Secretary further noted that even holding the elections next year depended on whether any new crises emerged.
This contradiction has also exposed the growing confusion, lack of coordination, and policy uncertainty within the ruling party.
Silva has said that the Government is aiming to hold the PC Elections next year, provided no major obstacles emerge.
He made this announcement at the opening of the JVP/NPP office in the Jaffna District. He further stated that the Government had originally allocated funds in the latest Budget to conduct the elections this year. However, around Rs. 500 billion had to be diverted for disaster relief and recovery following the recent Cyclone Ditwah situation.
Silva also noted that legal issues linked to the PC electoral system remained unresolved. He said that amendments introduced during former President Wickremesinghe’s tenure as Prime Minister (2015–2019) had created uncertainty over the legal framework under which the elections should be conducted.
According to Silva, a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) has now been appointed to examine the matter and recommend the appropriate legal basis for holding the polls.
“If no further major issues arise, we believe the PC Elections could be held next year,” he said.
Contradicting Tilvin
However, Silva’s comments about the issue of fund availability to hold PC Polls were contradicted by Cabinet Spokesperson, Minister Nalinda Jayatissa when he stated last week that funds had already been allocated for the polls.
He made these remarks during the weekly Cabinet media briefing in response to a journalist’s question regarding Silva’s recent statement on the PC Elections.
Jayatissa emphasised that there was no issue with financial provisions, noting that the necessary funds had already been set aside. However, he explained that the main challenge in conducting the election lay in unresolved legal provisions and that a PSC was currently working to address these legal matters, while discussions were continuing on the issue.
He further stated that once the required legal framework was finalised, the Government would be able to hold the PC Elections at the earliest opportunity.
“This Government has already conducted two elections within eight months. Our intention is to hold the PC Elections while protecting the people’s sovereignty in line with the Constitution,” he added.
Jayatissa’s statement further compounded the confusion created by Silva over the holding of PC Polls.
SJB MPs ready to resign
Meanwhile, 11 Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) MPs have informed Opposition and SJB Leader Premadasa that they are prepared to resign from their parliamentary seats and contest as chief ministerial candidates of the SJB if the Government proceeds with calling PC Elections.
It is learnt that the group includes 11 MPs representing the Western, Southern, and North Central Provinces.
In addition, three former Ministers holding senior positions in the United National Party (UNP) have reportedly already sent messages to the Opposition Leader expressing their readiness to contest for chief minister posts under the SJB at the PC Elections.
Accordingly, Premadasa has taken steps to appoint two special committees to examine matters related to granting nominations for the upcoming PC Elections.
Seeking public views
The PSC appointed to review laws relating to elections – excluding laws related to PC Elections – has meanwhile decided to seek public opinion as part of its review process.
The committee, tasked with reviewing laws relating to elections (excluding laws concerning PC Elections), reporting to Parliament, and submitting proposals and recommendations on the matter, met for the first time recently in Parliament under the chairmanship of Minister Chandana Abayarathna.
The committee has been entrusted with reviewing laws related to the electoral system, including the Registration of Electors Act, Local Authorities Elections Ordinance, Parliamentary Elections Act, Presidential Elections Act, and the amendments made to these laws over the years.
In addition, the committee has been assigned the responsibility of evaluating the need to revise, amend, and consolidate these laws, as well as recommending necessary reforms and amendments to the existing legal framework governing elections.
Accordingly, committee members agreed to obtain public views for the committee’s activities and to raise broad public awareness regarding the review process.
Push for the old system
Amidst the renewed discussion on holding the delayed PC Elections, political parties and civil society groups have renewed calls for the immediate conduct of the long-delayed elections following a special discussion held in Colombo on Tuesday (26).
The meeting, organised by the People’s Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL), had brought together party secretaries, political representatives, and election monitoring groups to discuss the future of the PC electoral process.
Participants had extensively discussed the importance of restoring Provincial Councils through fresh elections, the factors that contributed to repeated delays, and the measures required to hold the polls without further postponement.
A joint statement was signed by nearly all of the 42 Opposition political parties and election monitoring organisations that had attended the meeting, with only one party declining to endorse it. The statement is expected to be forwarded to both the PSC and the Government.
Under the joint proposal, the participating parties had agreed that the PC Elections should be conducted under the electoral system that existed prior to the introduction of the 2017 electoral reforms under Act No.17 of 2017. They have further agreed that the previous electoral model should remain in operation until the PSC reaches a final decision regarding reforms to the system.
The parties have also expressed support for increasing representation of women and youth, agreeing on a voluntary basis to ensure 25% representation for those groups.
Among those present at the discussion were UNP General Secretary Thalatha Atukorale, MP Ranjith Madduma Bandara representing the SJB, and Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) General Secretary, former MP Sagara Kariyawasam. The Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi represented by M.A. Sumanthiran also attended the meeting, alongside Mano Ganesan, C.V. Wigneswaran, and former Chairman of the Election Commission Mahinda Deshapriya.
Broad discussion
The overall focus of all Opposition political parties at Tuesday’s discussion was the need to urgently hold the delayed PC Elections.
PAFFREL Executive Director Rohana Hettiarachchi was the first to speak at the event. He had noted that all political parties needed to share the blame for the delay in holding the PC Polls and noted the need to jointly look for solutions to the obstacles that were continuing to delay the polls.
The next to speak was Siritunga Jayasuriya, who had criticised the recent statement by the JVP’s Silva about further delaying PC Polls. Jayasuriya had questioned how the likes of Silva had made such statements. Madduma Bandara had then noted that the ruling party had assumed office promising to uphold democratic principles and to hold the delayed polls.
NPP General Secretary Nihal Abeysinghe, who was also at the meeting, had responded saying that the Government was committed to holding PC Elections and had the funds in place for it. Several Opposition members had then questioned why the Government was continuing to delay the process and several had asked if the obstacle to holding polls was Silva. Abeysinghe had calmly responded that the only obstacle was the legal impediments over the electoral system under which the polls would be held.
Lasantha Alagiyawanna had then noted that the PSC did not seem committed to resolving the issues delaying the polls. He had explained that eight out of the 12 members in the committee were from the Government and that its four Opposition members – Madduma Bandara, Ganesan, Nizam Kariapper, and Shanakiyan Rasamanickam – were present at the discussion. He had further proposed asking the opinions of the four Opposition members.
Rasamanickam had said that he was of the view that the PSC was another time-buying exercise. However, he had noted that there were only two solutions – to present a private member’s motion to Parliament and get it approved or to move a motion to repeal the 2017 Provincial Councils Elections Act.
Former Chairman of the Election Commission Deshapriya had agreed with Rasamanickam, saying that the 2017 act needed to be repealed.
Kariyawasam had noted that the solution to the current problem was to hold the PC Elections under the old electoral system.
Two factions at Flower Road
Meanwhile, the two factions in the Opposition – the joint Opposition convened by former Minister G.L. Peiris and the Maha Jana Handa movement convened by former Minister Tiran Alles – continue to work on two paths.
However, interestingly, the two factions have one common denominator – former President Wickremesinghe. Despite holding constant meetings at two different locations, senior members of the two factions are frequently seen meeting with Wickremesinghe at his political office on Flower Road in Colombo 7.
Wickremesinghe seems to be discussing the work plans of both Opposition factions and advising them both on the work being carried out. Several senior Opposition members who recently spoke of Wickremesinghe’s role questioned whether the former President was carrying out his well-known political tactic of ‘divide and conquer’ with Opposition political parties.
RW’s special meetings
Former President Wickremesinghe also seems to have started active political work after his recent medical procedure. His office on Flower Road has become a hive of activity with many meetings.
Wickremesinghe, it is learnt, has started a series of interesting one-to-one meetings, this time with young Opposition politicians. It is also learnt that following his meeting with Namal Rajapaksa, he has held meetings in the past few weeks with young former Ministers and Deputy Ministers like Shehan Semasinghe, Premitha Bandara Tennakoon, and Anuradha Jayaratne.
During these meetings, Wickremesinghe had discussed the political developments in the country and the need for a strong and unified Opposition to lead the charge against the Government’s anti-people-centric work.
Prasanna’s daughter’s lead
Former Minister G.L. Peiris’ joint Opposition held the third event in a series of islandwide anti-Government seminars in Ja-Ela last Sunday (24). After holding two seminars in Kosgama and Matara, the Ja-Ela seminar, which was named as the event for the Gampaha District, was undertaken by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), with Lasantha Alagiyawanna taking the lead. SLPP dissidents Prasanna Ranatunga and Nimal Lanza had all expressed their support to Alagiyawanna.
Ranatunga, it is learnt, had proposed that the theme of the Gampaha seminar be ‘Sathya dinavamu,’ which was approved by Alagiyawanna as well. The theme that was used in Matara – ‘Horuth, boruth eka mitata paradamu’ – was also included under the main theme of ‘Sathya dinavamu’.
It is learnt that the concept and theme for the Gampaha seminar had been designed and proposed by Ranatunga’s elder daughter. It is also learnt that Peiris had instructed other members of the joint Opposition to allow Ranatunga’s daughter to also play a role in the Ja-Ela seminar.
The seminar got underway last Sunday morning with Alagiyawanna delivering the welcome address and Ajith Mannapperuma explaining the motives of the seminar. The Free Lawyers movement, which has been making controversial revelations related to Government payments being subjected to cyber thefts, had also attended the event. Maithri Gunaratne, PC delivered the speech on behalf of Free Lawyers.
The other speakers at the event were Asanka Navarathne, Premnath Dolawatte, Rohitha Abeygunawardhana, Chamara Sampath Dasanayake, and Patali Champika Ranawaka.
Champika’s PAT
During the Ja-Ela seminar, it was Ranawaka who, as usual, made a statement that stuck with the crowds.
In his speech, Ranawaka had spoken of a new tax that has been imposed on the already suffering masses – the Pelawatte-Added Tax (PAT). He had explained that along with the bad economic decisions of the Government, the people were being burdened with the PAT. When everyone was wondering what this new tax was, Ranawaka had said it was the ‘Pelawatte-Added Tax’.
Sidelining Dayasiri
Meanwhile, the Ja-Ela seminar had caused quite a controversy before it was held last Sunday.
The controversy had started when the UNP’s Wajira Abeywardena had called Opposition MP Dayasiri Jayasekara about his attendance at a press conference that was scheduled at Hotel Nippon in Colombo this past week to demand PC Elections from the Government. Jayasekara had said he would attend but had complained that while he was being asked to speak at some key Opposition campaigns, he was being sidelined by some others.
Abeywardena had inquired as to what he (Jayasekara) was referring to. Jayasekara had said that he had not been invited to the joint Opposition seminar that was organised in Ja-Ela although he had been attending meetings at Peiris’ residence. Abyewardena had said that he was unaware of it and that he would immediately look into it. A call had immediately been made by Abeywardena to Peiris, who had said that he too was unaware.
Peiris had then called Sugeeshwara Bandara, who had reminded Peiris that the event was being organised completely by Alagiyawanna and Ranatunga. Peiris had then called Nimal Siripala de Silva and inquired about the issue with Jayasekara, subtly questioning whether the ongoing litigation between Jayasekara and the SLFP had resulted in the former being sidelined from the Ja-Ela event. De Silva had then called Alagiyawanna, who had said that there was no objection to inviting Jayasekara for the event and even allocating a slot for him to address the gathering.
Once Peiris had informed Abeywardena of the final decision of the organisers, Abeywardena had called Jayasekara and said that there was no plan to sideline him and that he was being allocated a slot to address the gathering as well.
Focus on CIABOC DG
Meanwhile, the joint Opposition has written to Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) Chairman Justice Neil Iddawala, calling for an impartial investigation into allegations levelled against CIABOC Director General (DG) Ranga Dissanayake.
In its letter, the Opposition has claimed that several complaints have been received alleging that Dissanayake has carried out his official duties in a biased manner.
The group has referred in particular to a sworn affidavit by former Chief Executive Officer of SriLankan Airlines, the late Kapila Chandrasena, who had alleged that the Director General had pressured him to implicate former President Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) and MP Namal Rajapaksa in a corruption-related case. Chandrasena had further claimed that he had been threatened prior to the filing of the case.
The joint Opposition has argued that these allegations raised serious concerns about the impartiality of the CIABOC and could amount to misconduct by a senior official of the commission.
It has further pointed out that under the Anti-Corruption Act No.9 of 2023, the CIABOC is empowered to conduct disciplinary inquiries and take appropriate action against its own Director General if he is found to have failed in the discharge of his duties.
The Opposition has also requested three main actions – the launch of an immediate and independent inquiry into the allegations contained in the sworn statement, the temporary removal of Dissanayake from his duties at the CIABOC pending the outcome of the inquiry to ensure there is no influence over proceedings, and the initiation of legal action based on the findings of the investigation report.
The joint Opposition has further stressed that public confidence in the CIABOC depends on its independence, fairness, and adherence to due process, urging the Chairman to take swift and decisive steps to restore trust in the institution.
Namal begins reorganising
The SLPP meanwhile has begun its reorganisation activities, with Party National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa taking steps to launch two nationwide campaigns at both district and electoral division levels.
The first phase of the programme commenced last Sunday (24) in the town of Panadura in the Kalutara District.
In addition, Namal has also initiated a political outreach programme titled ‘From Village to Village’ at the electoral division level.
Through this initiative, it is reported that he is planning to implement a large-scale party reorganisation campaign covering villages across the country.
Sanjeewa’s anticlimax
Meanwhile, the SLPP faced an embarrassing incident recently following the party’s Panadura rally that was organised by former SLPP MP Sanjeewa Edirimanna.
The controversy stems from a recent SLPP rally in Panadura, where Edirimanna had introduced a youth identified as Amila Nirmal on stage alongside Namal Rajapaksa, claiming that he had crossed over from the SJB. During the event, Edirimanna had also stated that the youth had previously contested Parliamentary Elections under the SJB and secured nearly 21,000 votes.
However, the SJB’s Panadura Media Unit later rejected those claims in an official statement, asserting that the individual had never contested a Parliamentary Election under the party.
The statement further noted that the youth’s mother had contested the 2025 Local Government Elections from the Nalluruwa area and that both she and her son had received around 66 votes.
A few days later, Edirimanna acknowledged that the recent claim made about a youth allegedly defecting from the SJB was inaccurate.
Speaking at a media briefing, he said the party had since learnt that some of the information presented regarding the youth was false. However, he added that the SLPP welcomed anyone willing to support the party and stressed that there was no intention to target or criticise another political party or individual.
Warrant on Basil
SLPP’s theoretician, former Minister Basil Rajapaksa meanwhile has been ordered to appear before court after Matara Chief Magistrate Chathuranga Eranga Dissanayake issued a warrant recently against him for failing to appear in an ongoing case.
The case relates to the purchase of a valuable one-and-a-half-acre property located on Browns Hill, also known as Eliyakanda Road, in Matara.
According to allegations filed by the Police Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID), approximately Rs. 66 million used for the land purchase had been unlawfully acquired and could not be legally accounted for. Charges have been filed under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act.
Several others have also been named as defendants in the case alongside Basil, including Ayoma Galappaththi, the sister of his wife, and her husband Tissa Galappaththi.
Lawyers appearing on behalf of Basil had informed the court that he was unable to appear due to illness and was currently overseas receiving medical treatment and medical reports were submitted to support the claim.
Previously, the court had temporarily lifted the foreign travel ban imposed on Basil to allow him to travel overseas for treatment.
However, noting that the former Minister had repeatedly failed to appear before court, Magistrate Dissanayake had decided to issue a warrant for his arrest after considering the facts presented before the court.
Challenge to Namal
Deputy Minister Prasanna Gunasena meanwhile has challenged SLPP MP Namal Rajapaksa to “bring Basil Rajapaksa back to the country” if he is able to do so, claiming that recent court developments have increased pressure on members of the Rajapaksa family.
Addressing a public gathering, Gunasena has said there had once been a belief that no legal action could be taken against the Rajapaksas regardless of the accusations made against them.
Referring to a recent court ruling, he has alleged that multiple legal cases involving members of the family are still pending. He further claimed that the public had already expressed its rejection of what he described as a “corrupt administration” during both the Presidential and Parliamentary Elections.
Gunasena has also stated that those accused of corruption would face legal action in the future.
Seeking info on houses
Meanwhile, a group led by one Dinesh Abeykoon, the Colombo District Leader and Colombo Municipal Council member of the New People’s Front, has reportedly submitted another application to the Ministry of Public Administration, Provincial Councils, and Local Government requesting information regarding the official Government residences allegedly being used by Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne and his Private Secretary Chameera Gallage.
Abeykoon has stated that since July last year, three applications had already been submitted to the ministry under the RTI Act seeking details on this matter, but authorities have so far failed to provide a response to even a single application.
He has said the latest request seeks information regarding the number of houses being used by the Speaker and his Private Secretary, as well as details of the facilities provided to them, including fuel quotas and vehicles. Abeykoon has further noted that requests for similar information have also been made to Parliament, but no information has been received from there either.
Letter to AKD
Apart from the Speaker, there is also focus on other issues related to parliamentary affairs, with a group of Parliament employees appealing to President AKD to intervene in a case involving an officer attached to Parliament’s Department of Information Systems and Management, alleging that justice continues to be delayed despite an official inquiry confirming incidents of harassment and discrimination.
In a letter addressed to the President, the employees have expressed concern over the failure of the parliamentary administration to implement recommendations made by an investigative committee headed by former High Court Judge Sujatha Alahapperuma.
According to the committee’s final report, the officer had been subjected to verbal harassment, intimidation, and discriminatory treatment. The report had also included several recommendations aimed at ensuring justice and fair treatment for the officer.
However, Parliament sources have noted that although more than six months have passed since the report was handed over to the Speaker, none of the recommendations have been carried out yet.
The employees have further alleged that instead of implementing the findings of the independent inquiry, Parliament authorities had sought another report through a parliamentary official, a move they described as having a possible hidden agenda. They have stressed that such actions only contribute to further delaying justice for the affected officer.
In their appeal, the employees have said they expected fairness and equal application of the law from a Government that came to power promising accountability and justice for all citizens.
They have also pointed out that several national print and electronic media outlets have repeatedly highlighted the issue, yet no meaningful action has been taken so far. As a result, they have called on the President to intervene immediately and ensure that justice is delivered without further delay.
The employees have additionally claimed that the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus had remained silent on the matter from the outset, alleging that the silence may have been influenced by external pressure.