On Independence Day 1948, all eyes of the people were on Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake (DS) and his Deputy, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. Both were leaders of the recently-constituted United National Party (UNP).
DS in top hat and tails hoisted the Sri Lankan National Flag on Galle Face Green on 4 February while the Union Jack was hauled down amidst cheers and fireworks. Later, in the newly-opened Independence Hall, Bandaranaike addressed the Royal Duke who represented his brother, the King.
Wearing a ‘national suit’ made of homespun khaddar in contrast to DS’s morning dress, Bandaranaike spoke with a clipped Oxonian accent, which must have surprised the Duke, not especially known for his intellectual achievements. Bandaranaike spoke about the promise of newly-won freedom and the then leadership’s commitment to public welfare.
His speech was compared favourably by journalists to Nehru’s epochal ‘When midnight comes’ speech. Both speeches were in the English language, which was unintelligible to almost all of their recently-emancipated people.
D.S. Senanayake could justifiably be proud that he had obtained independence without shedding blood unlike his neighbours – the leaders of newly-created sub continental giants India and Pakistan, which had seen the worst communal massacres in recent history. His sagacity was hailed by friend and foe alike.
Pitchforked into political leadership
Now, 75 years after that happy day, we can look back at a leader whose qualities can be celebrated without partisan rancour. In a sense he was pitchforked into political leadership of the native bourgeoisie as a younger brother of the ‘hope of Sinhala nationalism,’ F.R. Senanayake (FR), who was a barrister and eldest son of a Sinhala entrepreneur who had graphite mines and extensive land holdings.
DS was at the beginning employed as a good agriculturalist who looked after their family estates. He assisted his father and brother to spread the message of temperance in their bailiwick of Hapitigam Korale. For his pains, DS was arrested in 1915 as an instigator of communal violence and incarcerated in Welikada Prison, located not very far from his city home, ‘Woodlands,’ situated near the Borella Cemetery. This Kanatte land was full of sheds of graphite workers who packed them for export to Europe and Japan.
FR had consolidated his pre-eminence among the native business elite by marrying the daughter of one the richest Sinhalese merchants of the time – Gemoris Attygalle of Madapatha. Gemoris owned graphite mines and large swathes of land both in the city and in the plantation areas. But tragedy or ‘kamma,’ as the Buddhist merchants opined, struck and FR died prematurely of appendicitis in a Calcutta hospital while undertaking an obligatory visit to Buddha Gaya as prescribed by Anagarika Dharmapala. DS was the only candidate among the Senanayakes available to carry on his brother’s political mission.
He began as an understudy to Baron Jayatilleke, a scholar, graduate of Calcutta University, theosophist, and Principal of Ananda College and therefore a prominent Buddhist national leader. Jayatilleke, who was not independently wealthy, was a client of the Senanayakes, even depending on them for his financial wellbeing. Thus the Jayatilleke-Senanayake combination worked till a more formidable campaigner for national political rights became necessary. Jayatilleke was kicked upstairs and DS became the unquestioned leader of the national bourgeoisie.
Negotiating for self-determination
His task was to negotiate with the British for self-determination. This he proceeded to do with finesse, at times even disregarding the warnings of his fellow conservatives. There are legends about how he outwitted the British.
When the Soulbury Commission needed to be convinced that the average Sinhala peasant was good enough for self-government, he, together with Oliver Goonetilleke, placed Sinhala graduates dressed in loin cloth at strategic points where the commissioners would halt on their fact-finding tours. These ‘peasants’ spoke to the Britishers with such knowledge that the Soulbury Commission gladly underwrote the contents of the submissions of the local Council of Ministers led by DS to Whitehall asking for dominion status.
It was rumoured that DS had offered the governor generalship of independent Sri Lanka to each of the commissioners, making sure that the others were not aware of the job offer. In the end the Chief of the Commission Soulbury himself was made governor general on DS’s recommendation.
Politics as a public service
DS’s main thrust was economic development based on agriculture, reminiscent of the efforts of the ancient Sinhala kings. He restored historic tanks and canals, settled peasants in the newly-established colonies, and passed land laws (the Land Development Ordinance) for granting allotments of crown lands for villagers.
He maintained good relations with the West and joined the Commonwealth. An expansive and expensive social welfare net was established, thereby raising the living standards of the poor. He included representatives of all communities in his Cabinet who did not dissent when he disenfranchised estate Tamils and thereby created a human tragedy for a group of people who had helped in ensuring prosperity for the country through their labour. That is a black mark on his administration, but he thereby prevented the Left from indoctrinating and infiltrating the biggest labour force in the country.
He was an exemplary leader in that he was incorruptible. He, unlike his successors, did not dip his hand into the country’s till. He made the social welfare of the poor a priority and earned the plaudits of economists like Amartya Sen for his attempts at inclusive growth. When his son Dudley died, he had less than Rs. 500 in his bank account.
As we celebrate 75 years of independence, we can thank the ‘Father of the Nation’ who set an example of public rectitude and honesty. He and many others of his time took to politics as a public service and not as a way of amassing wealth and ensuring the prosperity of their kith and kin.