By the late 1970s, Sri Lanka’s confidence on the global stage in its ability to influence regional affairs was riding high.
The country had played a leading role in the formation of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), had attempted to negotiate a ceasefire between China and India, and when faced with concerns of the fragmentation of South Asia, had involved itself in the East Pakistan war.
The country’s reputation was growing, and now the onus was on the Government to develop a focused foreign policy that would further the ambitions of the nation.
Since independence, Sri Lanka’s foreign affairs were part of the larger Ministry of External Affairs and Defence and had fallen directly under the purview of the prime minister. However, in 1977, following the elections held earlier that year, newly elected Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardene established the Ministry of External Affairs under the country’s first Foreign Minister A.C.S. Hameed.
Prime Minister Jayewardene himself had cut his political teeth on foreign affairs earlier in his career, when he led the Sri Lankan delegation to the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference. With India having refused to speak in favour of Japan at the conference, citing limitations placed on Japan’s sovereignty by the treaty, it was Jayewardene who took up the baton.
Delivering a profound and far-reaching speech, which emphasised the need for reconciliation, fairness, and forgiveness, Sri Lanka’s then Finance Minister renounced the country’s claims for reparations from Japan and instead called on the global community to support the re-integration of Japan.
It was prior experiences in dealing with international affairs such as this that had instilled in Jayewardene the recognition of the importance of foreign affairs and led to the establishment of the country’s first ministry which would prioritise this subject.
Despite the country having made an impact on the international stage in the preceding years, the fact that the subject matter remained under the purview of the prime minister had meant that sufficient attention had not been provided.
The oscillating trajectory of the country’s journey on the foreign stage was testament to the absence of a dedicated subject minister. Instead, the steps taken by the country were dependent on the emphasis placed on international matters by the prime minister of the day.
Having been coupled with the Defence Ministry and run by the prime minister, the foreign service (Ceylon Overseas Service) often found itself lacking political leadership focused on diplomacy and the development and growth of an institutional framework.
When Jayewardene assumed duties as Prime Minister, he recognised that the tasks before the prime minister (and subsequently president) were too great to include the matters of foreign relations. Hameed, who had been a Member of Parliament since 1960, was appointed as the country’s first Foreign Minister in large part due to his prior experience in diplomacy and global politics.
With the creation of the Ministry of External Affairs, it gave the opportunity for the country to pursue a focused approach to its foreign relations. Commenting at the time of the establishment of the ministry, the Prime Minister voiced the slogan ‘Friendship towards all, enmity towards none,’ a furtherance of the previously held stances of non-interference and non-alignment.
Efforts to bolster ties with the Western world
However, behind the scenes a sense of realism was settling in, with the new Government embarking upon a more Western-aligned foreign policy while expanding its footprint in the Asian region. Jayewardene’s decision to establish the External Affairs Ministry was not just to provide a nucleus to international relations but also to assist the country’s newly opened economy gather the support of the larger Western economies.
After several years of economic hardship, on the back of a closed economy, the country was rapidly pursuing a diversified market with the participation of a host of international players. With the Cold War raging on, and the US and its allies looking to shore up support via economic engagement, they were viewed as the most prudent source of the sought-after financial support.
The Jayewardene-led Government ramped up efforts to bolster ties with the Western world and attempted to benefit from the ongoing economic diplomacy by the Western bloc.
While the newly-formed Ministry of External Affairs was focusing on expanding ties with the Western world, the first real test of its diplomatic prowess came in 1978. As tensions between Israel and the rest of the Arab world grew in intensity, US President Jimmy Carter successfully negotiated the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt.
This posed a question to the principles of NAM, which supported comprehensive Arab unity, Palestinian self-determination, and an opposition to American-led diplomacy. With Sri Lanka chairing NAM (since 1976), the onus was on the country to hold together the organisation.
The organisation’s members were calling for the expulsion of Egypt, which happened to be one of the founding members, due to the country’s signing of the accords which they viewed as a betrayal of the Palestinian people.
Recognising that the expulsion of Egypt would endanger the longevity of NAM, Sri Lanka engaged in diplomatic efforts to regain the support of the organisation by framing the accords as being within the principles of NAM. This endeavour paid off, as eventually the Non-Aligned Movement supported the initiative by America.
Furthermore, to Sri Lanka’s benefit, the ability of the country to influence the bloc was a signal to the Western world that the island nation in the Indian Ocean was a potential player in the larger geopolitical game.
An emphasis on personal relationships
The challenges faced by Sri Lanka regarding the inflexibility of NAM gave further impetus to the country’s pivot to a Western-oriented relationship. This realignment of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy towards a more mutually beneficial relationship with the Western states saw a greater emphasis placed on the development of personal relationships, an approach not witnessed since the independence movement.
During the 1970 UK General Elections, then Opposition Member of Parliament Ranasinghe Premadasa, who was in the country on a separate matter, was invited to attend an event where Conservative candidate Margaret Thatcher was campaigning. During this meeting Premadasa was invited to speak, and he did so on her behalf, which saw the pair exchange letters following this interaction.
This prior interaction and subsequent communication came back to benefit the country, as was seen during the 1979 Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) in Lusaka, Zambia. The Sri Lankan delegation, led by Premadasa, developed a strong working relationship with British Prime Minister Thatcher and her Government.
Introducing her at a key luncheon at the summit, Premadasa took the opportunity to remind the Prime Minister of the importance of the UK’s support for key developmental projects in Sri Lanka.
Following this, during a private lunch hosted by Premadasa, Thatcher attended briefly to hand over to the Sri Lankan Prime Minister a note confirming that her Government was prepared to provide a grant of up to £ 100 million over a period of six years to fund the construction of the Victoria Dam.
Thatcher later described this note as being “the most expensive postcard” she had ever written. It was on the foundation of the personal relationship that had been built between Premadasa and Thatcher that Sri Lanka was now able to benefit from this Western economy.
Following this interaction, in 1982 during the UK’s war with Argentina over the Falklands, Sri Lanka demonstrated its emphasis on a Western-aligned foreign policy by supporting the UK at key diplomatic forums.
During the Falklands War, NAM supported a resolution condemning the UK’s perceived invasion of the island. In a show of support for the European nation, Sri Lanka broke ranks with the rest of the NAM members and supported the UK.
Stronger engagement with the US and its allies
Having already found itself battling the stance of many member nations of NAM during its term as Chair in the late ’70s, the latest struggle seemed to have strengthened Sri Lanka’s resolve to seek stronger engagement with the US and its allies.
In 1984, President Jayewardene undertook the country’s first State visit to the United States, a significant step forward in its efforts to bolster ties. At a time of worsening Cold War tensions, the growing pressure faced by Sri Lanka from South Asian nations, and economic uncertainty, the visit by Jayewardene went a long way in shoring up support from the US.
The visit was not just an opportunity to demonstrate a growing bond between the two countries, but more importantly to voice concerns of the developing world and raise requests on behalf of the country.
Speaking at a reception held in his honour, Jayewardene stated: “Those who speak so eloquently on behalf of the developing nations have been pressing for the opening of commodity markets of the developed world for their manufacturers without protective laws, stable prices for all products, and rescheduling of debts borrowed for development. Consider these requests, Mr. President.”
The visit to the US was not just Sri Lanka paying homage to a world superpower, but one of bringing a voice of the economic concerns of the developing world to the doorstep of the champion of the free-market economies.
The result was increased financial support from the US for key development initiatives in Sri Lanka such as the Mahaweli project. Having previously assisted the Government in establishing the country’s first export-oriented free trade zone in Katunayake, the US was continuing to encourage private sector investments in the country.
Of course, these efforts were part of a larger plan by the US to secure an economic presence in the region, one which did not go unnoticed by Sri Lanka’s neighbours.
While Sri Lanka was making strides on the global stage in its efforts to re-align itself to a greater Western-oriented foreign standing, the country’s deepening role in regional affairs was drawing the attention of its neighbouring states.
The country’s foreign policy teams would soon find itself facing significant pushback on its intrepid foreign policy ventures. Having played key roles in matters related to other nations, Sri Lanka would find the geopolitical intrigues entering its own shores.
(The writer previously served as the International Affairs Director to former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, and is the current Director of Research for the Geopolitical Cartographer)
(The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the official position of this publication)