The depreciation of the Sri Lankan Rupee against the US Dollar is fast becoming the first major economic test for President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government.

Speaking in Batticaloa last week, the President attempted to reassure the public that the Government was taking steps to avoid another financial collapse, while admitting that pressure on the dollar market had intensified. His remarks reflected growing concern within the administration over declining tourism earnings, falling remittances, weaker export income, and a sharp rise in fuel import costs.

The figures released by the President were striking. Fuel imports alone reportedly climbed from $ 98 million in February to over $ 522 million in May, dramatically increasing demand for dollars and placing fresh strain on the rupee.

The Government’s immediate response appears centred on controlling dollar outflows through reduced fuel consumption and tighter imports, while continuing discussions with the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Yet the political challenge is larger than currency management. The memory of the 2022 economic crisis remains fresh, and even modest exchange rate instability now creates public anxiety over inflation, living costs, and economic security.

While the Government insists the situation remains manageable, the weakening rupee has become more than an economic indicator. It is rapidly evolving into a political measure of whether the new administration can maintain stability where previous governments failed.

Be that as it may, it is evident that President AKD and his Government will have to face three major crises – electricity, fuel, and foreign exchange crises.

The electricity sector sits first in the queue of risk. Tariff adjustments, restructuring of loss-making utilities, and the balancing act between affordability and financial viability will test both policy discipline and public patience. While any delay in reform risks deepening fiscal strain, any abrupt correction risks social backlash.

Fuel remains the second fault line. The country’s import dependency means global price volatility and dollar shortages quickly translate into domestic disruption. Stabilising supply chains while avoiding politically costly price shocks will require a level of coordination that has historically been difficult to sustain.

The foreign exchange crisis, however, is the binding constraint underneath both. Without steady reserves and credible external financing, neither power generation nor fuel imports can be reliably secured. 

Meanwhile, Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning Anil Jayantha Fernando told Parliament last week that the Sri Lankan Rupee had depreciated by 4.8% against the US Dollar.

“Particularly in 2026, rising pressures and growing global uncertainty have created depreciation pressure on the rupee against the US Dollar and other foreign currencies. During the first two months of this year, the Sri Lankan Rupee remained relatively stable monthly. However, following the outbreak of conflict in the Middle East, emerging pressures in the external sector have caused the rupee to depreciate by 4.8% against the US Dollar. Currencies in other countries in the region have depreciated even further. 

“Under the current wartime conditions, the US Dollar has appreciated significantly against other foreign currencies. That is why our depreciation has been limited to 4.8% compared to other countries in the region. The escalation of global uncertainty and increasing risk aversion in international financial markets, driven by the Middle East conflict, have strengthened the US Dollar.

“The rise in global crude oil prices has increased Sri Lanka’s import costs for fuel and gas. At the same time, the impact of the conflict on global travel has also affected Sri Lanka’s tourism industry,” the Deputy Minister added.

The rupee however appreciated slightly against the US Dollar across commercial banks in Sri Lanka on Friday (22), after having significantly depreciated over the previous few days.

Harsha’s warning

Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Member of Parliament (MP) Harsha de Silva, meanwhile, has warned of a worsening crisis in Sri Lanka’s foreign exchange market, claiming that a collapse in confidence is fuelling growing volatility and uncertainty in the economy.

He has pointed to the sharp depreciation of the rupee, noting that the Bank of Ceylon selling rate had climbed to Rs. 354 (by last Thursday [21]), reflecting increasing pressure on the currency market.

De Silva has argued that the problem extends beyond economics and is fundamentally linked to declining market confidence. “Markets operate on trust. If market trust collapses, the market itself collapses,” he has said, adding that both the forex and rupee markets are being driven by weakening investor sentiment rather than official assurances.

Responding to Government claims that the country would not be allowed to fail, he has observed that political statements alone are insufficient to restore stability, adding that markets require transparent policies and credible signals.

He had also described what he termed a “vicious cycle” in the forex market, with exporters holding back foreign currency in anticipation of further depreciation, while importers rush to secure dollars before rates potentially rise beyond Rs. 375. According to de Silva, this behaviour is intensifying pressure on market liquidity.

The Opposition MP has further claimed that trading activity has virtually stalled, stating that there are currently no meaningful bids or offers in the market and that most transactions are now taking place only through the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL).

UNP points finger at Govt.

The United National Party (UNP) meanwhile has pointed out the shortcomings of the current Government over the ongoing rupee depreciation crisis. The UNP has expressed concern over the Government’s response to the depreciation of the Sri Lankan Rupee, warning that the effects of the weakening currency will ultimately fall on the public through rising living costs and increased economic hardship.

The UNP has described the current situation as a “serious issue,” claiming that the rupee has depreciated sharply since the present Government assumed office and that the exchange rate, which stood at around Rs. 292 against the US Dollar when former President Ranil Wickremesinghe left office, has now weakened to approximately Rs. 354 (21).

Furthermore, the UNP has alleged that the decline is partly due to the Government’s failure to continue economic measures introduced under the previous administration, as well as the absence of a clear economic strategy and insufficient efforts to strengthen foreign reserves. According to the party, these shortcomings have contributed to the continued rise of the US Dollar.

It has also been pointed out that sections of the private sector have raised concerns over the possibility of further rupee depreciation amid both domestic and global economic pressures. While acknowledging that some export industries could benefit from a weaker currency through higher earnings, the party has argued that ordinary citizens and employees would bear the burden through increased prices and higher living expenses.

IMF’s verdict

Amidst the ongoing foreign exchange crisis and its cascading impact, the IMF’s next verdict on Sri Lanka is now looming over the Government like a political stress test. While IMF Communications Department Director Julie Kozack confirmed that a Staff-Level Agreement (SLA) on the combined Fifth and Sixth Reviews of Sri Lanka’s Extended Fund Facility (EFF) was reached on 9 April, the real hurdle remains approval by the IMF Executive Board on Wednesday (27). That decision will determine whether Colombo secures a further $ 700 million lifeline at a moment when economic credibility remains fragile.

The IMF’s message, however, was also unmistakably political. Before the programme reaches the Executive Board, Sri Lanka must complete several “prior actions,” including restoring cost-recovery pricing for electricity and fuel, a demand that directly hits the Government’s recent populist relief measures. The administration now finds itself trying to balance IMF-imposed fiscal discipline with growing public pressure over the cost of living.

That tension became particularly visible when Kozack was asked whether the Government’s fuel subsidy package, including the Rs. 100-per-litre diesel subsidy, violated the IMF’s cost-recovery pricing framework. She avoided directly endorsing or criticising the measure, instead repeating the fund’s broader position that pricing reforms must continue, but vulnerable groups should also be protected.

The diplomatic wording masks a deeper reality. The IMF is effectively signalling that temporary political concessions cannot come at the expense of structural reform. For the Government, the challenge is no longer simply securing IMF funds, but convincing both international lenders and domestic voters that austerity and political survival can coexist.

IMF Asia and Pacific Department Director Krishna Srinivasan, while acknowledging the “significant progress” made in restoring macroeconomic stability, rebuilding foreign reserves, and regaining investor confidence, has also noted that reforms cannot stall. Srinivasan’s emphasis on maintaining a “consistent policy direction” is a reminder that Sri Lanka’s recovery remains fragile and heavily dependent on disciplined governance.

Fuel supplies vs. price increases

Meanwhile, the recent assurance by the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) that fuel stocks are sufficient through August offers short-term relief given the current exchange rate fragility.

Although the situation looks stable on paper with adequate inventories, scheduled shipments, and the supply chain not showing signs of immediate strain, there is a more politically sensitive reality. The rupee’s renewed depreciation is becoming a quiet reminder of the same pressure points that triggered the country’s 2022 fuel crisis, only this time it is through cost and not scarcity.

The country’s dependence on imported refined petroleum means domestic pricing is effectively a function of global oil movements and foreign exchange stability. Recent import data underscores the volatility where diesel procurement has swung sharply within weeks, with prices ranging from around $ 172 to over $ 300 per barrel. Petrol has been less erratic, but still firmly tied to global benchmarks and currency movements.

This is where politics begin to outweigh economics. Fuel pricing is no longer just an energy issue because it is a fiscal and electoral issue. The monthly pricing formula, introduced under IMF-backed reforms, was meant to depoliticise adjustments. In practice, however, it has merely redistributed political risk by placing governments in the uncomfortable position of either passing costs to consumers or absorbing losses that the Treasury can ill afford.

However, the CPC’s careful wording that fuel stocks are sufficient “for now” demonstrates that balancing act since it is a reassurance to consumers of availability without committing to price stability given the currency volatility.

For President AKD and his Government, any sustained rupee depreciation narrows its policy space. Holding pump prices steady risks renewed losses in State energy entities, while adjustments risk public backlash in an economy still recovering from inflationary shock and cost-of-living pressures.

The deeper political risk is not immediate shortages, but the erosion of public confidence in economic stability.

Expressing concerns

Despite the CPC’s assurances of fuel availability and the Government’s attempt to balance retail fuel prices, the situation cannot be sustained for long, especially due to the operational and business pressures faced by the private fuel retailers – Lanka IOC (LIOC), Sinopec, and RM Parks.

It is learnt that these private fuel retailers have already informed the Government of the difficulties in sustaining their businesses in Sri Lanka under the current situation. It is also learnt that they have warned that there would need to be adjustments in fuel prices in the local market before they make the next round of orders.

The authorities have also discussed the concerns raised by the private fuel retailers. Going by the fuel price details stated by President AKD at a recent public event where he said that a litre of diesel cost over Rs. 700 for the CPC, it is evident that fuel prices will have to be increased to a similar value to sustain the retail fuel market.

However, it is further learnt that several senior members of the ruling party have expressed concerns over any move for a large price increase in fuel in the local market given the possible public backlash.

Seeking all-party meeting

Meanwhile, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa says that Opposition parties have come together amid mounting concerns over the country’s economic direction, warning that the sharp depreciation of the rupee is an indication of renewed financial instability.

Premadasa has stressed that rising living costs and growing uncertainty should not be treated as a political issue, but as a national concern requiring immediate attention. “The Opposition united today (21) because the country is once again facing a serious economic warning sign,” he said.

He has announced that Opposition parties will formally request President AKD to urgently convene an all-party conference to discuss possible solutions and formulate a collective national response before conditions worsen further.

Premadasa’s comments have come amid increasing political debate over recent foreign exchange market volatility and concerns surrounding the weakening Sri Lankan Rupee.

Easter Sunday bombshell

While the attention of the public and Opposition politicians are focused on the currency crisis, the latest developments in the Easter Sunday attacks probe have once again demonstrated how deeply entangled the country’s security history has become with its political present. 

At the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court last week, submissions by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) through the Attorney General’s Department have painted an expansive and politically charged picture. Central to the prosecution’s claims is a statement attributed to the former Secretary to former State Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillayan, Azad Maulana, presented as a key investigative breakthrough.

Based on this statement, investigators have reportedly advanced serious allegations, including the claim that former Chief of the State Intelligence Service (SIS) Suresh Sallay had played a central role in a wider network of politically motivated operations that had led to the Easter Sunday attacks. The defence, however, has firmly resisted this interpretation, stressing a foundational legal point noting that untested testimony remains allegation, not evidence.

Appearing on behalf of the CID, Additional Solicitor General (ASG) Dileepa Peiris had informed court that investigators had recorded a statement from Maulana in France, describing it as a significant development in the ongoing investigations into the Easter Sunday attacks. It had been stated that a CID team led by its Director Shani Abeysekara had travelled to France and recorded Maulana’s statement at the official residence of Sri Lanka’s Ambassador. According to the prosecution, the statement contained detailed information relating to the Easter Sunday attacks.

Referring to the statement, the ASG had alleged before court that Sallay had acted as the “mastermind” behind the attacks and that the operation had allegedly been carried out to achieve a political objective.

The prosecution had further claimed that following the attacks, former President Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR), Basil Rajapaksa, and Namal Rajapaksa had visited the Batticaloa Prison to meet Pillayan. The court was also told that Pillayan had allegedly been informed that he would be released within a week if Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) became president.

Peiris had also alleged that after GR assumed office, Sallay was appointed Director of the SIS to prevent intelligence information from being shared with other institutions.

The Attorney General’s Department had further submitted that individuals including Zaini, identified as a brother of Zahran Hashim, who had been remanded after a 10 March 2017 clash, had allegedly received financial assistance for bail from Military Intelligence and Pillayan. According to the prosecution, Military Intelligence had allegedly provided Rs. 250,000 in public funds while Pillayan had contributed Rs. 50,000, allegedly at the request of Sallay.

The ASG had claimed that public funds had been used to shield individuals linked to extremist activity and alleged the actions were intended to suppress information ahead of an election.

Peiris had further alleged that individuals connected to Pillayan and members of Military Intelligence had jointly carried out politically motivated killings and other operations. Court was told the alleged crimes linked to the group had included the abduction of journalist Prageeth Ekneligoda, the assault on senior journalist Keith Noyahr, the killing of The Sunday Leader Founding Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, and the attack on senior journalist Upali Tennakoon.

The prosecution had also alleged that more than 2,000 members linked to Pillayan’s group had received salaries through Military Intelligence and that public funds had additionally been used to cover legal expenses for persons facing court action.

Peiris had further told court that after the Easter Sunday attacks, Maulana’s family had allegedly been moved to a hotel in Ahungalla by Sallay, that Maulana had reportedly been promised employment at an embassy, and that investigators had obtained hotel records connected to the claim.

Appearing for Sallay, President’s Counsel Shavindra Fernando had rejected the allegations, arguing that Maulana’s statement could not be treated as evidence unless it was subjected to cross-examination before court.

Following submissions from both sides, the Magistrate had announced that rulings on several key matters, including requests concerning Sallay’s appearance and his application to make a statement under Section 127, would be delivered on 1 July. Sallay remains under detention orders pending further proceedings.

Namal responds

Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) MP Namal Rajapaksa however has responded to allegations made in court linking meetings with Pillayan to the ongoing Easter Sunday investigations, saying his visit to Pillayan while he was in prison was “no secret”.

In a statement, Namal has said that prison records would confirm his visits to Pillayan in 2018 and 2019, noting that the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) Leader was part of the alliance at the time and had contested both the 2015 Presidential Election and the 2018 Local Government Elections with them.

“It is no secret that I visited TMVP Leader Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, also known as Pillayan, while he was in prison in 2018/’19. In fact, prison records of my visits are very much available,” he said. 

However, there has not been any public statement by either the SLPP or the Rajapaksas about the alleged meeting that had taken place between MR and Basil with Pillayan.

Gearing up for PC Polls

Amidst these economic and political developments, the Government has expressed its preparedness to hold the long-delayed Provincial Council (PC) Elections this year. Minister Chrishantha Abeysena has stated recently that the PC Elections will definitely be held within this year.

However, he has emphasised that he cannot specify during which period of this year the polls will be conducted. “The PC Elections will be held. Who says it is being delayed? We have been informed about it. The PC Elections will be held within this year. Don’t be worried. I cannot say during which period it will be held. The ministry is handling that process. Our position is that it will be held within this year,” he has noted.

Meanwhile, members of the Election Commission were summoned before the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) appointed to submit recommendations regarding the holding of the PC Elections last week. 

The PSC, which was appointed to examine and report on the electoral system under which the PC Elections should be conducted, as well as to present its proposals and recommendations on the matter, has met on several previous occasions under the chairmanship of Minister Vijitha Herath.

Officials from the Attorney General’s Department were also summoned before the PSC recently. During this meeting, the committee had instructed them to provide a report on the legal obstacles preventing the holding of the PC Elections.

AKD building bridges

Meanwhile, President AKD is engaged in efforts to address the growing dissension within the ruling party and has taken steps to minimise the divide between him and JVP/NPP MPs by taking steps to appoint a Presidential Coordinating Secretary in Parliament. This bridge between the Presidential Secretariat and Parliament is expected to create better coordination between the President and ruling party MPs.

However, it is interesting to note actions taken by the President after appointing Kumarasinghe as his Coordinating Secretary in Parliament. After making this appointment, the President’s first action was to attend Parliament on three days during the last House sessions and hold discussions with JVP/NPP MPs with Kumarasinghe by his side. Normally, if the President visits Parliament, he is expected to attend the chamber and deliver a speech. However, following this latest appointment, although the President had visited Parliament during the last House sessions, at no point did he enter the chamber or deliver a speech in the House.

It is noteworthy that although there was a major responsibility on the President as Minister of Finance regarding the controversial $ 2.5 million transaction by the Ministry of Finance, many had observed with great curiosity that the President did not say a single word in Parliament about the matter.

However, the President had reportedly met MPs representing each district of the JVP/NPP group separately, with the newly appointed Coordinating Secretary present. During these lengthy discussions, MPs, it is learnt, have presented to the President the problems faced by them in their respective constituencies. As a result, the President has had to listen to many grievances that had included difficulties they face when trying to get work done within the Government, alleged injustices faced by NPP MPs from the JVP’s political machinery, and accusations from supporters and the public after returning to their constituencies, as well as personal issues. 

It had also been evident that MPs had openly presented these matters to the President indicating that they had been waiting for a while for a direct communication with their Leader. It is also learnt that the ruling party MPs had further highlighted the difficulty faced by them in contacting the President when urgent matters arose. 

Accordingly, the President is said to have provided immediate solutions to some of these issues while also reportedly explaining how other issues could be resolved by contacting relevant ministers and officials.

Growing displeasure

The JVP meanwhile continues to face ideological setbacks that continue to surface from time to time, with the latest being the recent reported clash between several party seniors at the JVP Headquarters in Pelawatte. It is however learnt that it was a heated discussion and not fisticuffs as reported by some social media.

Following this incident, another ideological setback was triggered by the President’s decision to appoint former Deputy Minister and senior SJB member Eran Wickramaratne, who is an organiser and officeholder of an Opposition party outside the JVP, to a position at Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC). 

With this appointment, many JVPers were taken by surprise, questioning why, despite the presence of many educated, intellectual, and scholarly figures, including academics and professors within the JVP/NPP movement, a representative from the SJB had been chosen for such a position. What further deepened this surprise was that senior Government ministers such as Bimal Rathnayake and Wasantha Samarasinghe had defended the appointment, stating that the Government was also prepared to bring in other capable individuals from the Opposition.

For a long period, the JVP’s political narrative within the country had been based on highlighting a so-called ‘76-year curse,’ and branding all MPs as thieves. Anyone in politics who possessed money was labelled a thief or fraudster. The party had also strongly condemned the practice of ‘changing heads’ in Parliament, referring to party pole-vaulting politics. At the time, the JVP declared that such practices carried out by the likes of former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga (CBK), MR, or Wickremesinghe would be completely stopped under a JVP-led government, and that no MP would be allowed to switch parties.

However, after assuming office, the JVP’s decision to suddenly appoint Wickramaratne, who was in a party among those who have been labelled as thieves by the JVP/NPP, to a position at SLC has caused a significant collapse of that narrative in society over the past few days.

At the same time, reports emerged that several Opposition MPs were preparing to join the Government, further worsening the situation. One such name that surfaced was SJB MP Harsha de Silva. Social media reports even claimed that he was preparing to join the Government as minister of finance and possibly prime minister. As a result, de Silva had to issue a personal clarification regarding the rumours and deny any plan to join the Government. 

Although the Government’s appointment of a former SJB MP to a position at SLC may have been intended to secure a political advantage, the current situation in the country appears to have turned it into a political disadvantage rather than a gain.

In particular, the JVP, which had previously taken a principled stance of not absorbing MPs from major parties, is now seen as abandoning that position and attempting to attract MPs and former ministers from other parties. This has reportedly caused significant disappointment among voters as well as JVP cadre who supported the party based on its principles.

Hanif’s resignation

Amidst these developments, Western Province Governor Hanif Yusoof issued a statement last week announcing his decision to resign from the post of Governor.

‘The Black Box’ last week wrote that a Governor of a key province in the country had informed President AKD of his plans to resign from the post and that the President had asked the Governor to remain in the post until a suitable replacement was found.

“At the request of His Excellency, I will continue to serve as Governor until a suitable successor is identified, in order to ensure a smooth and orderly transition,” Yusoof said.

He said that after stepping down as Governor, he intended to continue serving in his honorary role as the President’s Special Envoy for Foreign Direct Investment. In that capacity, he said he would continue supporting efforts to attract investment to Sri Lanka through his international networks and relationships.

However, Yusoof’s resignation is being interpreted by some Opposition parties as a move pushed by the ruling party by constraining his space to carry out the duties of Governor. Several other heads of State institutions have earlier submitted their resignations, claiming difficulties faced by them in carrying out their work due to interference from ruling party seniors.

SJB begins reorganising

The main Opposition SJB meanwhile has begun its party reorganisation activities by starting meetings with electoral organisers at village level. With the ongoing chaos within the ruling party and the Government hinting about holding PC Elections, the SJB has decided to make the preparatory work at the grassroots.

SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara has stated: “As part of the strategic programme to reorganise the SJB and overcome future political challenges, another decisive meeting was successfully held on 15 May at the Monaragala District Office. This special programme was attended by all electoral organisers, Local Government leaders, and activists of the Monaragala District. During the meeting, attention was focused on several key matters aimed at leading the party towards victory.”

Among the areas focused on during the meeting were grassroots-level reorganisation to strengthen the party’s foundation to ensure coverage of every polling centre, establishing of constituency councils and formalising the party mechanism, and a systematic political process that moves beyond traditional politics while engaging with the people through a scientific and strategic approach.

Sajith under fire

Meanwhile, it is learnt that the push by Premadasa and the SJB to form an alliance with the UNP continues to face hurdles, with several UNP seniors loyal to the party leadership working on launching a major media campaign against Premadasa.

Accordingly, during the past week, a group of journalists supportive of the UNP, several social media activists, and leaders of a few Opposition political parties were reportedly instructed by several senior UNP figures to begin a propaganda campaign targeting Premadasa.

The directive is also said to have called for extensive publicity through both mainstream media and social media platforms.

Namal pushes SJB-UNP unity

Meanwhile, SLPP National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa has pushed for the SJB and UNP to form an alliance. This push had been made during a recent meeting between Namal and UNP Leader Wickremesinghe.

During the meeting Wickremesinghe had told Namal that the SLPP was fast becoming popular among the grassroots and had urged Namal to take the lead in the party. Namal had agreed and said that he was leading the party’s grassroots-level campaign.

Wickremesinghe had then noted that Namal should not only take the lead in the party but also play a key role in the joint Opposition platform that is being built. The former President had further asked Namal to get the SLPP to join the joint Opposition platform and to also actively participate in the ongoing series of islandwide seminars.

Namal had kept silent and listened intently to what Wickremesinghe had to say. After the UNP Leader had stopped his presentation, Namal had started to speak. The latter had asked Wickremesinghe why the SJB was not yet part of the joint Opposition platform. He had emphasised that the SJB as the main Opposition party should be part of the programme as well.

The former President had said that the SJB had not responded positively to invitations extended to join the platform. Namal had then quipped that Wickremesinghe and the UNP should focus on forming an alliance with the SJB before trying to get the SLPP to join the joint Opposition. 

MR stands by Wimal

Meanwhile, former Minister Wimal Weerawansa became a newsmaker last week over his actions near the National War Heroes’ Monument in Battaramulla.

Hearing about the incident, former President MR had been upset and had immediately asked his personal assistant Neville to connect Weerawansa through the phone. Neville had informed MR that Weerawansa could not be connected over the phone. 

Weerawansa had contacted MR after a little while. MR had told Weerawansa that he was upset after hearing what had happened to him.

MR had further warned Weerawansa that there were rumours about an attempt to arrest the latter over his attempt to forcibly enter the premises of the monument. Weerawansa had responded saying that everything was under control and that he was at another event at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute.

MR had then told Weerawansa to be careful and to keep him informed of any developments. Weerawansa had agreed.

SLPP removes nine

Meanwhile, all does not seem well in the Rajapaksa-led SLPP, with the party deciding to suspend the membership of nine of its party members.

SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam has said that the organisers had been removed since they had failed to adhere to party policies. 

Kariyawasam had noted that the relevant organisers had been removed since they had failed to follow party decisions and worked against directives issued. It is learnt that most of the organisers who have been removed are from the Kandy District.

SLFP at SLPP office

Meanwhile, an interesting political development was witnessed last week when a news conference of the Maha Jana Handa convened by former Minister Tiran Alles was held at the SLPP Headquarters on Nelum Mawatha, Battaramulla recently.

The news conference was attended by Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) General Secretary Duminda Dissanayake and Pivithuru Hela Urumaya Leader Udaya Gammanpila. They sat with SLPP General Secretary Kariyawasam to address the media.

During the news conference, Gammanpila claimed that the current economic woes of the country were mainly due to the monies spent on substandard coal procurements, resulting in an adverse cascading effect in the energy sector.

Kariyawasam targeted Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) Director General Ranga Dissanayake by reiterating that questions remained surrounding his appointment to the post and the integrity of investigations being conducted.

SLFP General Secretary Dissanayake focused on the lies being uttered by the Government.

Seeing the SLFP General Secretary at the SLPP Headquarters, given that the SLFP and SLPP have been at loggerheads for a while after the SLPP was formed by splitting the SLFP, several Opposition politicians had noted that it was time for the UNP to also bury the hatchet and form an alliance with the SJB.

Intensifying clash

While the Maha Jana Handa movement held a news conference at the SLPP Headquarters, the joint Opposition convened by former Minister G.L. Peiris continued to meet at his residence while moving ahead with plans to hold the next anti-Government seminar in its ongoing series of islandwide seminars.

The divide between the joint Opposition and Maha Jana Handa has now become a talking point even among Opposition politicians, especially those who have been attending meetings convened by both sides and continue to push for the formation of one Opposition platform.

During a recent meeting between several Opposition politicians at a public event, Gammanpila had alleged that the joint Opposition movement was a project by a foreign country to promote former Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka and several others. Hearing Gammanpila’s statement, several other Opposition members had dismissed it, saying there was no truth to it.

Meeting at RW’s

Meanwhile, a group of members of the joint Opposition met former President Wickremesinghe at his Flower Road office last week. The meeting was attended by former MPs representing Opposition parties from the Gampaha District like Ruwan Wijewardene, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Prasanna Ranatunga, Nimal Lanza, and several others.

The main talking point was the third anti-Government seminar organised by the joint Opposition in Ja-Ela scheduled for Sunday (24). The seminar in Ja-Ela, which is expected to cover the Gampaha District, had been assigned to the SLFP.

Ranatunga and Lanza had noted that there should be at least three seminars in the Gampaha District given the population in the district and their interest in political developments. 

Wickremesinghe had noted that the joint Opposition should try to get the SJB and SLPP also to join the programme.

Discussion on complaint

Meanwhile, a meeting of the joint Opposition was held at Peiris’ residence on Monday (18). It was attended by Opposition politicians Nimal Siripala de Silva, Mahinda Amaraweera, Duminda Dissanayake, Patali Champika Ranawaka, Thalatha Atukorale, Sagala Ratnayaka, Sugeeshwara Bandara, Ajith Mannapperuma, Premnath Dolawatte, and several others.

At the outset of the meeting, focus was on the current political developments and Ranawaka had pointed out that there was an impending fuel price hike, which was also outlined by the President recently.

De Silva had noted that the joint Opposition should lodge a complaint with the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into coal procurements since 2009 on the irregularities in procurements by the current Government, especially since ruling party members were continuing to complain about procurements by energy ministers of previous governments. The issue of the commission’s integrity following comments by JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva had also been taken up.

Everyone had agreed and the next question was to decide who would lodge the complaint. De Silva had noted that it would be good for a young Opposition member to lodge the complaint. It had then been decided that Bandara and Dolawatte should lodge the complaint. Peiris and de Silva had undertaken the task of compiling the complaint.

Complaint against Kanchana

A complaint meanwhile was lodged on Tuesday (19) with the Presidential Commission of Inquiry into coal procurement alleging that Kanchana Wijesekera, who served as Minister of Power and Energy during the administration of former President Wickremesinghe, had imported coal in violation of proper tender procedures.

The complaint was submitted by JVP/NPP MP Attorney-at-Law Upul Abeywickrama and Stephen Fernando. They have requested a formal investigation into what they describe as a large-scale financial fraud and corruption linked to coal imports carried out during Wijesekera’s tenure as Minister of Power and Energy.

“During that period, the company that had qualified by submitting the lowest bid for the coal import tender was Aditya. However, later, under the cover of a Cabinet decision, the coal supply contract was awarded to another company called Potencia, even though the relevant procurement process had not been completed,” the MP said.

Chamara’s conundrum

Meanwhile, a tense exchange unfolded in Parliament on Wednesday (20) after Opposition MP Chamara Sampath Dasanayake raised concerns over his inability to attend a scheduled China-sponsored economic programme for MPs, citing a court-imposed travel restriction.

Dasanayake told the House that his passport was currently in court custody and claimed that despite submitting a motion supported by a letter from the Secretary General of Parliament and an official invitation from the Chinese Government, repeated objections by the CIABOC had prevented his participation.

Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne intervened, ruling that the matter could not be debated in Parliament as it was sub judice. “The court has issued an order. We cannot discuss issues of the court in Parliament,” he stated.

Leader of the House, Minister Rathnayake also weighed in, saying that the issue did not constitute a parliamentary privilege matter and remained strictly a legal issue before the courts. “We gave you a chance to speak on it. What you are saying now is against regulations. I request you not to fall victim to other people’s political agendas. You are an accused in the case, there is a court order related to your case, and it cannot be spoken of in Parliament,” he said.

The exchange escalated into a heated argument between Dasanayake, the Speaker, Minister Rathnayake, and several other MPs, briefly disrupting proceedings in the Chamber before order was restored.

Meanwhile, former Minister Lasantha Alagiyawanna last Wednesday (20) appeared before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court to provide surety for the additional bail imposed on MP Dasanayake, which was set by the court in relation to his overseas travel.

Appearing at the Colombo Magistrate’s Court, Alagiyawanna had signed the relevant bail documents and handed over his passport to the court registrar.