The warm reception for President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) at the packed India-Pakistan World Cup cricket encounter at the R. Premadasa International Cricket Stadium last Sunday (15), making him (AKD) the clear man of the match on the occasion, as well as the latest report on the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government’s 65% public approval rating, have undoubtedly placed the ruling party on a high.
The approval rating of the Government stood at 65% in early February in the latest round of the Gallup-style Mood of the Nation poll by Verité Research. With a ±3 percentage-point margin of error, the approval rating has remained statistically stable from the 62% polled a year ago.
For the first time in the poll’s four-year history, the share of those who rated current economic conditions as ‘good’ or ‘excellent’ exceeded those who rated them as ‘poor’. Perceptions of the economic outlook also improved. Those who said the economy was ‘getting better’ increased to 64% from 55% one year ago. The proportion who said it was ‘getting worse’ was largely unchanged. Those with no opinion declined, which points to more people having become more certain and more optimistic about the country’s economic direction.
Additionally, a majority (59%) said they were satisfied with ‘the way things are going’ in the country. This marks the first time in the last four years of polling that satisfaction levels have risen above 50%.
Be that as it may, the Government’s popularity level has been a topic of much discussion in the past few weeks, with many Opposition politicians claiming that there has been an erosion in the ruling party’s popularity at the grassroots level.
Opposition members like Dayasiri Jayasekara, Udaya Gammanpila, Wimal Weerawansa, and several others have continuously claimed that the Government’s popularity has witnessed a drastic decline. These Opposition politicians have also maintained that while President AKD seems to continue to remain a popular figure, his Government does not enjoy the same privilege.
Following these claims of the Government’s declining popularity, Opposition political parties including the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) have once again demanded that the Government hold the delayed Provincial Council (PC) Elections.
However, with the latest report on the Government’s 65% public approval rating, the Opposition parties, after wondering how such numbers came about, have reiterated the call to hold the PC Elections as the real test to determine the ruling JVP/NPP’s popularity level among the grassroots.
“If the Government’s popularity level is high, then the delayed PC Elections could be held as soon as possible without further delays,” a senior Opposition member noted.
Nevertheless, the latest report by Verité Research headed by Dr. Nishan de Mel was mostly surprising since de Mel was previously viewed as being supportive of the SJB and its leadership.
A senior member of the Government meanwhile noted that there had been no change in the Government’s popularity among the masses, since those who are now loudly criticising the Government are from the Opposition and had not supported or voted for the Government at the last elections.
Turning to PC Polls
Following the latest report on the Government’s 65% public approval rating, Speaker of Parliament Jagath Wickramaratne announced the names of the Government members to the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to study the current impediments to holding the delayed PC Polls and to make recommendations on removing these obstacles.
Accordingly, the Speaker announced that the PSC would be chaired by Minister Vijitha Herath and noted that the other members of the committee would be Deputy Ministers Muneer Mulaffer, Sunil Watagala, and Arun Hemachandra as well as Members of Parliament (MPs) R.M. Ranjith Madduma Bandara, Mano Ganesan, Lakshman Nipuna Arachchi, Shanakiyan Rajaputhiran Rasamanickam, Samanmalee Gunasinghe, Dharmapriya Wijesinghe, Chandana Sooriyaarachchi, and President’s Counsel M. Nizam Kariapper.
Rasamanickam meanwhile proposed that former Minister of Provincial Councils and Local Government Faiszer Musthapha, who was the Minister when the Delimitation Committee report that was later defeated in Parliament was prepared, also be included in the PSC.
The Government’s move to proceed with the PSC could be seen as a message to the Opposition parties that it is not afraid to hold the PC Elections.
Nevertheless, it is evident that holding the delayed PC Elections this year will not be an easy task unless there is a commitment to expedite the process. As pointed by ‘The Black Box’ in previous columns, resolving the legal impediments to holding the delayed PC Elections is a lengthy one – the time period for the PSC to prepare the report and submit it to Parliament, the relevant ministry to then initiate a committee to draft the fresh legislation through consultations, the draft to be approved by Cabinet before submitting it to the Legal Draftsman, and the final draft legislation to be approved by Cabinet prior to parliamentary approval.
If and when Parliament approves the new legislation, the Election Commission would also require time to prepare for the polls under the new legislation.
Resignation, gas queues and coal
Meanwhile, several incidents that took place last week undoubtedly served as reminders that there are many issues the Government is required to attend to.
The first news was of the resignation of a chairperson of a State institution citing difficulties in carrying out duties due to political interference. Sandamali Chandrasekera’s letter announcing her resignation from her post as Chairperson of Lanka Sugar Company Ltd. with immediate effect, citing increasing political pressure and governance concerns, was widely shared on social media.
In the letter addressed to Minister of Industry and Entrepreneurship Development Sunil Handunnetti, Chandrasekera has stated that she is stepping down as she is unable to discharge her duties in a manner consistent with good governance and institutional integrity. She has noted that during her tenure, there had been several instances where requests and expectations had been conveyed to the company that would have required violations of applicable circulars, regulations, and established legal procedures.
Chandrasekera has said this position had led to increasing friction with certain provincial politicians. Despite repeated efforts to clarify the legal and regulatory limitations under which the company operates, she said those explanations had not been accepted.
The next news that captured public attention was the forming of queues in some parts of the country due to a shortage of Liquefied Petroleum (LP) gas. The Opposition raised the issue in Parliament and warned of yet another crisis at hand while drawing parallels to the 2022 economic crisis that also witnessed long queues for LP gas.
The Government responded saying there was no shortage of LP gas given its continuous supply to the market by Litro Gas, noting that a delayed shipment of the private LP gas distributor Laugfs had resulted in shortages in some areas.
Finally, one of the most important pieces of news was the explosive revelations made by the Opposition in Parliament about the substandard coal shipments procured by the Government for the Norochcholai coal power plant.
Among the revelations made by the Opposition in Parliament on Friday (20) was the question: why appoint a Minister with a dubious record to oversee one of the most sensitive portfolios in the country? Opposition MPs pointed out that energy security was not merely an administrative domain since it was the backbone of economic stability. In the aftermath of the 2022 economic crisis that contributed to the collapse of the then Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) administration, Sri Lankans understand the catastrophic chain reaction that begins with fuel shortages and power cuts.
Internal Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) documentation reportedly estimates generation losses from inferior coal at Rs. 2.7 billion. Additional repair and maintenance costs at the Norochcholai coal power plant are projected at around Rs. 300 million. Even under conservative assumptions, the direct financial hit is expected to approach Rs. 3 billion. Yet the maximum compensation claimable from the supplier is capped at Rs. 1 billion, leaving at least Rs. 2 billion unrecovered.
The Energy Minister has thus far arrogantly responded to Opposition claims through poor justifications and ridicule.
Be that as it may, it would be wise for President AKD and his JVP/NPP Government to keep in mind the role played by the energy crisis in the fall of the GR regime in 2022.
Public security concerns
Meanwhile, public security has also become a persistent topic that the Government faces, given the fast-diminishing belief among the public that the continuing shootings and killings are isolated incidents related to organised crime. The debate has intensified following the double murder of a lawyer and his wife in the Akuregoda area recently.
Opposition members have claimed that public security cannot be guaranteed at a time when killings take place near the residence of President AKD. Opposition MP Namal Rajapaksa said: “The ministers claim they have stopped these daily shootings. However, they have actually failed in that endeavour.”
He told the media that ministers have claimed that all key decisions are made in Pelawatte, the Party Headquarters. “How can public security be guaranteed when killings are taking place in the area?” he asked.
However, Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala noted that Akuregoda, where the murder of Attorney-at-Law Buddhika Mallawarachchi and his wife took place recently, was not a High-Security Zone (HSZ) as claimed.
In response, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa noted that he was surprised by the Minister’s claim that the area was not an HSZ as the Defence Headquarters was located some 600 metres away from the location. “How do you claim that it is not an HSZ? Even the public is aware of this,” he said.
The Minister responded saying that the security forces had confirmed that the particular area had not been declared an HSZ.
AKD’s move
However, it is also interesting to see how President AKD has managed thus far to corner the Opposition politicians by checkmating them at their own game.
Several recent incidents could be cited as examples where the President, after letting the Opposition take the limelight, has later pulled the rug from under its feet. The two agitation campaigns launched opposite the Presidential Secretariat by a group of teaching development officers and later by ‘madel’ fishermen witnessed Opposition politicians visiting the protest site and extending solidarity with them.
However, a few days later, President AKD met with these protesters and resolved the issues, resulting in the protesters immediately calling off their agitation campaigns. Photographs of the protesters smiling with the President and agreeing to call off their campaigns have taken the Opposition by surprise.
Some posts on social media claimed that the President seemed to be checkmating the Opposition by letting it first get entangled in the agitation campaign and then resolving the issue while gaining the agitators’ support.
IMF Chief’s visit
Meanwhile, International Monetary Fund (IMF) Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva, who arrived in Sri Lanka on Monday (16), concluded her visit and travelled to India on Wednesday (18).
Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chairman Harsha de Silva, while welcoming Georgieva, expressed appreciation for the support from the IMF and called on the fund to continue its engagement and extend support beyond financial measures to governance reforms.
During her visit, the IMF Managing Director visited areas and communities affected by Cyclone Ditwah. She visited Mawathura village in the Udapalatha Divisional Secretariat Division, one of the most sensitive zones impacted by the national disaster, to inspect the site of a landslide triggered during the cyclone.
The President’s Media Division stated following Georgieva’s meeting with President AKD that the discussions reaffirmed the commitment of both Sri Lanka and the IMF to continue close cooperation aimed at sustaining macroeconomic stability, strengthening governance, promoting inclusive growth, and enhancing resilience against future shocks.
Following her meeting with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), it was stated that Georgieva had recognised Sri Lanka’s performance under the current IMF programme as a success story.
“While noting the repeated setbacks Sri Lanka has faced in recent years, she expressed confidence that the country is poised to achieve higher growth, provided that necessary structural reforms are initiated and sustained,” the CBSL has stated.
Meeting Modi, Macron
President AKD meanwhile on Wednesday (18) undertook his second visit to India since assuming office and returned to the country on Friday (20). AKD’s latest visit to India witnessed him engaging in bilateral discussions with many heads of state while uplifting Sri Lanka’s image among the international community as well as in the country itself.
During his latest visit to India, AKD attended the 2026 AI Impact Summit and met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and French President Emmanuel Macron, among others.
AKD attended a banquet hosted by Modi for state heads on Wednesday (18) evening, and the following day, the President addressed the heads of state session held alongside the AI Impact Summit in New Delhi in India.
There was, however, much attention paid to President AKD’s bilateral discussions with French President Macron on Thursday (19) afternoon and Prime Minister Modi on Friday (20).
AKD-Modi friendship
It was interesting to see the friendship that has developed between President AKD and Prime Minister Modi in a short span of time.
During AKD’s visit to India last week, Modi’s reception of AKD had been very warm and cordial. It is believed that Modi understands the hard and arduous path taken by AKD to reach the highest office in the country since he (Modi) too had to tread a long and difficult path to become the Prime Minister of India.
The budding friendship between AKD and Modi was witnessed by many dignitaries and heads of state during the AI Impact Summit when Modi had personally taken AKD along with him and introduced him to the other heads of state at the event. This move by Modi, it is learnt, had surprised even the Indian Government officials at the event.
Breaking barriers
Along with AKD’s second visit to India, there has been much focus on the change in the JVP’s founding policies, especially in relation to India.
The JVP had been inherently opposed to India and had even launched an insurrection in the late 1980s against what it termed as ‘Indian expansionism.’ It was in fact one of the lessons among the five lessons (‘panthi paha’) that were held to indoctrinate new members to the party. While this lesson was dropped later, the JVP continued with its anti-India policy until the formation of the NPP.
However, the JVP has now broken barriers that existed earlier with India, with the key event breaking the JVP’s anti-Indian barrier being JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent official visit to India with a delegation of party members. Silva, a hardline JVPer and one of the last few from the old JVP, engaging with India is expected to send a message to the rest of the JVP cadre about the changing policies of the party.
While the JVP had not engaged with India for decades, the first solid link with the JVP was established by former Indian High Commissioner to Sri Lanka Gopal Bagalay and then First Secretary to the High Commission Eldos Punnoose; they even organised a five-day tour of India for JVP/NPP Leader AKD and an accompanying delegation in February 2024. The JVP/NPP delegation included Vijitha Herath, Nihal Abeysinghe, and Prof. Anil Jayantha Fernando, and the tour included a three-city visit, covering New Delhi, Ahmedabad, and Thiruvananthapuram. They also met Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, India’s National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, and Gujarat Chief Minister Bhupendra Patel.
AKD won the Presidential Election that same year and the relations with India continued to grow from then on.
US trade tariff delay
Meanwhile, another key economic issue that is facing the Government is the need to finalise the trade tariff agreement with the US. With Bangladesh being the most recent country in the South Asian region to finalise the trade tariff deal with the US, the pressure has now turned on Sri Lanka to do the same.
It is learnt that despite holding several rounds of discussions with the US side on finalising the trade tariffs, the Sri Lankan Government is not too keen on finalising the deal due to its concern of having to undertake commitments that could have adverse impacts on Sri Lanka in other economic sectors. The deteriorating relations between the US and Iran as well as China are of concern to Sri Lanka given the country’s trade and development ties with Iran and China.
It is also learnt that the Sri Lankan authorities are also looking at moving ahead with the 20% trade tariff that was finally announced for Sri Lanka by the US without trying to reduce it further by having to undertake commitments not beneficial to Sri Lanka in other sectors.
However, it is further learnt that Sri Lanka is yet to sign the final agreements on the 20% trade tariffs as well.
It is in such a backdrop that President AKD met US Ambassador to India Sergio Gor in New Delhi during his visit to India last week.
In a post on X, the Ambassador said that the meeting focused on strengthening commercial ties and advancing regional stability through closer collaboration. “Strong partnerships deliver real results for our countries,” he said, noting that the discussions covered ways to deepen bilateral engagement.
Nevertheless, the US Supreme Court decision that President Donald Trump had violated federal law when he unilaterally imposed sweeping tariffs across the globe is seen as a striking loss for the White House on an issue that has been central to the President’s foreign policy and economic agenda.
However, Trump has described the US Supreme Court’s decision striking down his sweeping global tariffs as “deeply disappointing,” and has announced plans to introduce a new 10% levy on imports. The White House has yet to outline a detailed plan for implementing the newly announced 10% global levy.
Given these latest developments, the finalisation of trade tariffs between Sri Lanka and the US is expected to take more time.
Monks’ convention
Meanwhile, a group of Buddhist monks held a sangha convention on Friday (20) at the All Ceylon Buddhist Congress (ACBC) on Bauddhaloka Mawatha in Colombo where a Sangha Charter consisting of 10 points to alleviate the current social crises faced by the Buddha Sasana, the Maha Sangha, and the people of the country was declared. The convention was organised to exert pressure on the President and Government to stop sidelining Buddhism and to give pride of place to Buddhism as stated in the country’s Constitution.
The relevant 10-point Sangha Charter, signed by all the Buddhist monks present at the event, is to be presented to President AKD, according to Moratuwa Sri Bodhirajaramaya Chief Incumbent and University of Colombo Sinhala Department Head Ven. Professor Agalakada Sirisumana Thera.
Meanwhile, Sri Kalyani Samagri Dharma Maha Sangha Sabha Anunayake Ven. Professor Kotapitiye Rahula Thera has called on the President and Prime Minister to withdraw their recent remarks made in Jaffna and Mannar, emphasising that they should publicly apologise. The Thera has criticised the statements by the President, saying that they misrepresent the country’s social and religious harmony. He has also noted that claims of racism and religious conflict in the north are unfounded and have been propagated by extremist elements.
It was stated earlier that around 2,500 Buddhist monks representing the three sects – Amarapura, Siam, and Ramanna – would attend the convention organised by a group of senior monks including Ven. Muruththettuwe Ananda Thera, Ven. Sirisumana Thera, Ven. Induragare Dhammarathana Thera, Ven. Thiniyawala Palitha Thera, and several others. Several meetings to plan the event were held at Ven. Ananda Thera’s Abhayarama Temple in Thimbirigasyaya.
Several Opposition politicians including Opposition Leader Premadasa attended the convention.
However, several days prior to the convention, news of one of the main organisers of the sangha convention being admitted to hospital reached many Opposition leaders. Ven. Ananda Thera was hospitalised with many believing that the monk would not be able to attend the convention. Ven. Ananda Thera, however, attended the event after being discharged from hospital.
AKD’s secret meeting
It is in such a backdrop that news about a secret meeting that had taken place recently between a popular Buddhist monk and President AKD trickled into the public domain. The news was that the President had recently visited the Dharmayathanaya on Bauddhaloka Mawatha in Colombo to meet with its Chief Incumbent Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thera.
The news about this meeting did not bode well for many members of the Opposition, especially those who were supportive of the movement being formed by the Buddhist clergy to hold a convention against what has been termed as the ‘sidelining of Buddhism’ by the incumbent Government. Most of the Opposition members had noted that Ven. Gunawansa Thera was unlikely to meet the President since he has been making many critical comments about the Government and its treatment of Buddhist monks.
However, Ven. Gunawansa Thera surprised everyone by stating that he had indeed met the President recently. The monk had noted that the President had visited him at the temple on 2 February and held a discussion with him.
Sajith’s main focus
Meanwhile, a former provincial Governor had recently met Opposition and SJB Leader Premadasa to discuss the formation of a broad Opposition political alliance. During the discussion, the former Governor had noted the importance of a broad Opposition platform for the Opposition as well as the country.
Premadasa, it is learnt, had listened and agreed that a broad Opposition alliance was needed and that he would support such a move.
However, the SJB Leader had also noted that his main focus at present was to form an alliance with the United National Party (UNP) through a common work programme.
When the former Governor had asked Premadasa whether he was confident that such an alliance would be possible, Premadasa had responded saying that he was confident and that it would be a programme in line with policies without focusing on individual personalities.
RW’s googly
However, the silence that followed the last round of talks between the SJB leadership and senior UNP members resulted in many wondering whether the talks have stalled like in the past or what was preventing the parties from taking the next steps.
It is learnt that one of the key reasons for the talks between the SJB and UNP to have faced a temporary standstill was the proposal handed by the UNP to the SJB on the next course of action in forming a common work plan between the two parties. The UNP Working Committee led by Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe had proposed that the Working Committees of the SJB and UNP hold a joint meeting to decide on the next steps and to formulate a common work plan.
It is also learnt that several senior SJB members have expressed their opinion to the SJB leadership in relation to several concerns over the relevant proposal by the UNP Working Committee. They have noted that a joint meeting of the SJB and UNP Working Committees would have around 200 members representing both parties and that it would not be practical to organise such a meeting since it would be more like a convention than a discussion.
The senior SJBers have also noted that given that there are a few elements in both the SJB and UNP that are not fully supportive of an alliance between the two parties, they could disrupt such a meeting and prevent the positive work conducted so far in bringing the SJB and UNP to align with each other.
Following this discussion between several senior SJBers and the SJB leadership, it has been decided that Premadasa would once again meet with the senior UNP members with whom he had already held several rounds of discussions to determine a way out of the current stalemate.
According to a senior SJBer, the Leaders of the UNP and SJB can nominate 10 members from each of their parties to meet and discuss the framework of the common work plan for the two parties to form an alliance. “The framework could be discussed by these 20 members representing both parties and it could then be presented to the respective Working Committees,” the SJBer said.
It is further learnt that several senior SJBers as well as UNPers have recently discussed that the UNP Working Committee proposal seemed more of an attempt to disrupt the formation of an alliance between the two parties than to support it. One senior SJBer has noted that the UNP proposal clearly showed Wickremesinghe’s hand in it.
SJB-UNP Valentine’s party
Meanwhile, an interesting event took place on Valentine’s Day where SJBers and UNPers gathered for an event in Kolonnawa.
The event was organised by SJB MP S.M. Marikkar and SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara while MP Harshana Rajakaruna also attended it. Marikkar had invited UNP organisers and members in the area for the event as well.
According to Marikkar, it was time for organisers and members of the two parties to join forces and send a strong message to the Leaders of the SJB and UNP that an alliance was the only path for both parties.
The main aim of the event had been to get members of the SJB and UNP together and to get their views on an alliance between the two parties. During the meeting, the senior SJBers had asked whether the members of both the SJB and UNP wanted an alliance between the two parties. The gathering had unanimously agreed to pass a motion at the meeting stating that the “SJB and UNP should reunite”.
Marikkar’s meeting on Valentine’s Day with members of both the SJB and UNP, which concluded with a lunch, could be viewed as a first in a campaign planned to push for an SJB-UNP alliance from the grassroots levels with members of the two parties endorsing the move.
SLFP’s status quo
Meanwhile, last week was a decisive one for the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) given that a court case against the party’s current office-bearers was taken up for verdict by the Colombo District Court.
However, the court verdict has further exacerbated the split in the SLFP with two factions being demarcated. One faction is led by incumbent Party Leader Nimal Siripala de Silva while the other faction is represented by ousted General Secretary of the party Dayasiri Jayasekara.
The Colombo District Court on Tuesday (17) while issuing an interim injunction preventing the SLFP from suspending Jayasekara’s party membership, had dismissed his request for an order preventing interference in his functions as the General Secretary of the SLFP.
Following the court verdict, the SLFP led by de Silva reiterated its call for all dissident members of the party to return to the party fold to unite and engage on a future path.
RW-Namal meeting
Meanwhile, an interesting political meeting had taken place last Tuesday (17). The interesting fact about the meeting was that it was attended by UNP Leader Wickremesinghe and his trusted confidante Sagala Ratnayaka as well as the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) Namal Rajapaksa and SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam.
The role of convenor of the meeting was played by former Minister G.L. Peiris, who is providing leadership to the efforts to formulate a broad Opposition platform.
At the outset of the meeting, Peiris had pointed out that there was a history of Wickremesinghe having worked with the SLPP in a government and that there was no reason why they could not work together in Opposition. While Namal, Ratnayaka, and Wickremesinghe had maintained a middle path during the meeting, Kariyawasam had expressed some opposition to the moves to unite with the UNP.
Kariyawasam had on several previous occasions, during meetings with SLPP organisers and members, vehemently denied that the SLPP would form any alliance with Wickremesinghe or the UNP. He had even gone to the extent of accusing Wickremesinghe of splitting the SLPP during the 2024 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections.
However, the meeting had concluded with all parties agreeing to meet for another round of talks soon.
Meeting with SLPP
Meanwhile, G.L. Peiris on Wednesday (18) met with a delegation of the SLPP led by the party’s National Organiser Namal at the SLPP Headquarters on Nelum Mawatha in Battaramulla.
Peiris was accompanied by several other Opposition politicians like Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, Mahinda Amaraweera, Tiran Alles, and Udaya Gammanpila. The SLPP side was represented by Namal, Kariyawasam, C.B. Ratnayake, Sanjeewa Edirimanna, and Jayantha Ketagoda.
Peiris had noted at the outset of the meeting that democracy was facing many challenges in the country while noting concerns over the deterioration of the rule of law and continued delay in holding PC Elections.
In his response speech, Namal had noted that the Opposition delegation led by Peiris had been welcomed not to the Head Office of the SLPP but to their own head office since all of them (Peiris and co.) had been part of the SLPP at one point. He had noted that Peiris, who is a former Chairperson of the SLPP, had spent more time in the party Head Office than him (Namal).
However, Namal had noted that while Opposition parties must work together, it should be done in a manner that did not compromise the ideologies and identities of each party.
Namal’s Oxford-Cambridge trip
Meanwhile, Namal’s impending visit to the UK was under the spotlight last week following news that he would be addressing the Oxford Union and Cambridge Union during the visit.
Namal was expected to speak at the Oxford Union on Wednesday (25) and the Cambridge Union on Friday (27). However, it was announced on Friday (20) that his Cambridge Union lecture had been cancelled following diaspora protests.
Hearing of Namal’s visit to the UK and his plan to address the two university unions, members of the diaspora in the country had expressed objections by expressing concerns and protesting to the British Government as well as the administrations of the two universities.
Tamil Solidarity has demanded the immediate cancellation of both events, called for an explanation from the unions regarding the invitation, and also warned of possible protests if the events were to proceed.
Tamil Solidarity is a diaspora advocacy organisation established in 2009 in response to the final stages of Sri Lanka’s war, campaigning on issues related to alleged war crimes, accountability, and the rights of Tamil-speaking people.
A petition was also launched by those objecting to Namal’s UK visit, claiming: “The Oxford Union and the Cambridge Union are globally respected institutions. Their platforms carry immense symbolic weight and prestige. We are calling on both unions to reconsider their decision to host Namal Rajapaksa – a political figure whose career is closely associated with the defence of alleged war crimes, the denial of documented atrocities, and governance widely criticised for corruption and economic mismanagement.”
The petition had noted that the Oxford Union and Cambridge Union extending an invitation to Namal risked normalising denial of documented atrocities, could contribute to reputational rehabilitation without justice, sideline survivors whose calls for accountability remain unanswered, and send a message that institutional prestige outweighed human rights concerns.
The petition had also claimed: “Sign this petition to rescind the invitation of Namal Rajapaksa, to demand justice for the genocide, and to stand in solidarity with the Tamil people.”
Meanwhile, the SLPP and Namal loyalists claimed that members of the diaspora were attempting to block the MP’s UK visit through a targeted social media campaign as well as by extending demands to the British Government and the administrations of the two universities he was to address in order to stop him from attending events at the universities.
The SLPPers have also expressed concerns over possible security threats Namal could face during his UK visit due to protests by members of the diaspora.
Krrish case
Meanwhile, Namal’s case on the controversial Krrish project, which was to be heard before the Colombo High Court on Monday (16), was postponed till Thursday (19) due to the decision by the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) that lawyers would abstain from appearing for court cases on Monday as a mark of protest over the recent killing of a lawyer and his wife.
The mass boycott resulted in the postponement of approximately 1,000 cases nationwide, affecting every level of the Judiciary from the Supreme Court down to Magistrate’s Courts.
The Attorney General has filed this case against Namal over allegations that he had misappropriated a sum of Rs. 70 million obtained from the Indian company Krrish, purportedly for the promotion of rugby in Sri Lanka.
CID summons Maithree
Meanwhile, the Police Criminal Investigation Division (CID) summoned former First Lady Maithree Wickramasinghe to record a statement on Friday (20).
The CID had informed court on Wednesday (18) that the former First Lady had been summoned to record a statement. The CID had informed this fact to court when the case against former President Wickremesinghe over the alleged misuse of public funds during a visit to the UK during his tenure as President was taken up for hearing.
However, Maithree on Friday requested two weeks’ time to provide a statement due to illness.
Saman granted bail
Former Secretary to the President Saman Ekanayake, who was in remand prison over allegations of aiding the misuse of State funds by approving funds for the visit, was released on bail by the Colombo Magistrate’s Court on Wednesday when the case was taken up in court.
Colombo Fort Magistrate Isuru Neththikumara had ordered that the suspect be released on two surety bails of Rs. 2 million each after considering arguments presented by the prosecution and defence.
Meanwhile, prior to being released on bail, Ekanayake received an interesting visitor at prison – former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga (CBK).
CBK, issuing a statement, noted that she did not usually visit prisons, but had described Ekanayake as “a good person and a skilled administrator”.
CBK had alleged that targeting administrative officials who were not politically aligned with a particular party began during the Government of J.R. Jayewardene, and claimed that the current administration was continuing what she described as political revenge carried over from past governments.