There is a certain rhythm now to the life of the Government led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD). It is one that is less about governance and more about endurance amidst multiple crises, some created by the ruling party and Government members themselves. The cycle so far is one that follows the trend of a crisis that erupts, dominates public attention, is hurriedly contained most often by AKD’s direct intervention, and just as the dust begins to settle, another emerges to take its place. It is a cycle that has come to define President AKD and his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP).
Meanwhile, April’s spike in inflation, measured by the Colombo Consumer Price Index (CCPI), is a sharp reminder of how vulnerable Sri Lanka remains to external shocks. A jump to 5.4%, which is more than double March’s figure, shows how quickly global tension, in this case the conflict in the Middle East, can ripple through a fragile domestic economy.
For policymakers, the challenge is no longer just stabilisation but insulation. Fuel-driven inflation hits hardest at the household level, and without credible buffers or timely intervention, the political cost of rising costs of living could escalate just as quickly as prices at the pump.
However, the current trend faced by the Government has resulted in the question of whether it is merely a run of misfortune or the early signs of a deeper structural frailty within a Government that promised transformation.
What makes this moment particularly striking is not the existence of crises – no government is immune to them – but their intensity, variety, and persistence. From the controversy over the inferior coal procurement and the quiet political cost of removing a trusted minister, to the troubling optics surrounding personal wealth within the Cabinet, to damaging external claims about questionable fuel purchases, the administration has found itself repeatedly on the defensive while each controversy has chipped away at the central narrative that carried it to power that President AKD and the JVP/NPP Government would be different, more disciplined, and more accountable.
Diplomacy in motion
President AKD and his Government meanwhile are set to host an unusually compact calendar of high-level diplomatic engagements this week with the arrival of two Heads of State and a senior Russian Minister, which also underscores the Government’s renewed push to reposition itself within a shifting regional and global landscape.
The visits by Maldivian President Mohamed Muizzu and Vietnamese President Tô Lâm come at a time when Sri Lanka is actively rebuilding external partnerships in the aftermath of its economic crisis and ongoing restructuring efforts.
According to official arrangements, President Muizzu will visit Sri Lanka on Monday (4) and Tuesday (5), accompanied by a four-member ministerial delegation. Discussions are expected to focus on education, health cooperation, and agricultural collaboration – areas that have increasingly become the backbone of Indian Ocean regional diplomacy, particularly among smaller economies seeking practical, development-oriented partnerships.
President Lâm is expected to arrive shortly after on Thursday (7), leading a significantly larger delegation of around 200 officials, and remain in the country until Friday (8). Preparatory teams have already arrived in Colombo, signalling the scale and seriousness of the engagement. Senior Government sources indicate that trade, investment, and tourism will dominate the agenda, with multiple Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) expected to be signed.
These visits reflect a broader pattern of intensified diplomatic activity under the current administration, which has sought to diversify Sri Lanka’s external relationships while maintaining balance among major powers and regional partners.
President AKD has emphasised economic diplomacy as a central pillar of his Government’s foreign policy approach, particularly in attracting investment and rebuilding confidence after the financial downturn.
Adding to the diplomatic momentum is the scheduled visit of Russia’s Health Minister Mikhail Murashko on Monday, during which several agreements are expected to be signed. Health cooperation has emerged as a recurring theme in Sri Lanka’s external engagements since the pandemic, with countries seeking partnerships in pharmaceuticals, medical training, and public health infrastructure.
Taken together, these visits signal that Sri Lanka is actively re-engaging multiple partners across Asia and beyond, not through grand strategic declarations, but to enhance cooperation in several key economic sectors.
Focus on Treasury scandal
However, despite the Government working on improving its diplomacy game, the recent misdirection of a $ 2.5 million Treasury payment into a fraudulent account is not just another political embarrassment, but a warning signal. It points to vulnerabilities not in rhetoric or political judgement, but in the very machinery of the State.
When a government quietly admits that millions may have been siphoned off through what is now being described as a “phishing scam,” it is rarely just a story about technology, but a story about systems and the people entrusted to run them.
Deputy Minister of Digital Economy Eranga Weeraratne has sought to calm nerves, suggesting that the reported Treasury fraud bore the hallmarks of a sophisticated impersonation scheme rather than a direct cyber attack. According to him, fraudsters had created a convincing digital façade through fake domains, deceptive email addresses, and identities mimicking legitimate officials to trick authorities into releasing funds.
If true, it points to an increasingly common global threat, which is not hackers breaking in, but operators being misled into opening the door themselves.
Nevertheless, Opposition politicians continue to challenge the Government on the many explanations being given thus far.
Parliamentary Committee on Public Finance (COPF) Chairman, Opposition Member of Parliament (MP) Harsha de Silva has taken a far less forgiving view, arguing that the incident reflects something more basic and more troubling than technological sophistication. In his assessment, the issue is not cybercrime but negligence.
His questions note the standard financial practice. Why were payment instructions not independently verified? Why was a test transaction not conducted before transferring a large sum? And perhaps most critically, why were the bank details not cross-checked against the original contractual documentation? These are not advanced cybersecurity protocols, but routine safeguards.
Between the Government’s emphasis on deception and the Opposition’s focus on oversight lies an uncomfortable possibility that a well-crafted scam can only succeed if it encounters a weak control environment.
Investigations are now underway, involving the Sri Lanka Computer Emergency Readiness Team (Sri Lanka CERT) and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), among others.
De Silva has already signalled the next battleground between the Opposition and Government on the Treasury scam being Parliament, with the COPF taking up the matter as well.
Parliament is to convene on Tuesday (5) and this week’s session will witness much debate on the Treasury cyber scandal, with President AKD likely having to make yet another visit to the House to give an explanation.
Probe revelations
Meanwhile, the Computer Crime Investigation Division of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) has reported facts to Colombo Fort Magistrate Isuru Neththikumara regarding ongoing investigations into the disbursement of $ 2.5 million belonging to the CBSL, which occurred during a loan instalment payment made through the Treasury, and its loss.
CID officers have informed the court that investigations were launched following a complaint received on 24 March concerning an incident in which $ 2.5 million belonging to the CBSL had been credited to a fraudulent party.
Accordingly, the officers have stated that investigations are being carried out under the Public Property Act, the Penal Code, and the Computer Crime Act.
An official has further informed the court that the Australian Government had provided loans to the External Resources Department (ERD) for five projects in Sri Lanka, and that repayment of these loans had begun under a debt restructuring programme. The issue had arisen when making a payment to a company called Export Finance Australia; payments had been made for some time to an email address under exportfinance.gov.au and later the address had been changed to ‘exportfinanceav.com,’ according to the officer.
Investigations have revealed that despite a warning issued on 28 October by an organisation called Enable regarding a change in the domain name of the relevant email address, the warning had been ignored and the funds had been transferred.
The CID officer has stated that upon examining the data system of the organisation Enable, no evidence has so far been found of unauthorised access to the relevant email address.
Additionally, investigations into the data system of the Department of External Resources have revealed that certain information had been deleted.
The Magistrate has questioned the CID as to whether the deletion of the data had been carried out with criminal intent. The CID officer has responded that further investigations are ongoing and that no suspects have yet been identified.
Travel ban on officials
The CID officer has also informed the court that a change of computers had occurred at the relevant institution during the period in question and has requested a date to report further findings.
Accepting a request made by the CID, the Magistrate has ordered a travel ban on five officials who had access to the email address used to carry out the disputed transaction. He has also ordered that the bank accounts of the five officials be examined and reports be submitted.
Expert committee
In addition, the court has granted permission to appoint an expert committee comprising representatives from the Government Analyst’s Department, Sri Lanka CERT, and the Director of the University of Colombo School of Computing to conduct further investigations into the incident.
The Magistrate has instructed the CID to investigate whether a crime has been committed through this incident, and if so, to present those responsible before the court. He has also advised that a mechanism be put in place to prevent such incidents in the future.
The Magistrate further ordered the CID to report progress of the investigations on 3 June.
Another transaction issue
The Government meanwhile has also launched an investigation into another disputed international payment. This time it is related to a transaction of $ 625,000 remitted to the United States Postal Service (USPS) after authorities in the US had reported that the funds had not been received.
The revelation was made by Cabinet Spokesperson, Minister Nalinda Jayatissa, who noted that the payment issue was currently under investigation by both the CID and the Department of Posts. He noted that preliminary findings suggested that the transactions had been carried out in two separate instances.
“Sri Lanka has made the payment, but the USPS has informed us that it has not received the funds,” he said, adding that inquiries into the matter had commenced several weeks ago and that multiple State-level investigations were underway into separate incidents involving alleged financial irregularities.
“I cannot comment on whether it is linked to the alleged diversion of $ 2.5 million in Treasury funds, but I can say that there is an ongoing investigation,” he said.
Questions over public funds
Meanwhile, Opposition political parties, while gearing up to raise many questions in Parliament this week over the Treasury cyber scandal, are also looking at taking up the issue of the Government’s failure to understand that the control of public finances is vested with Parliament.
Sri Lanka’s Constitution firmly establishes Parliament as the central authority over public finance, ensuring democratic oversight of Government revenue and expenditure. This principle is primarily outlined in Article 148, which explicitly states that Parliament shall have full control over public finance.
Supporting this overarching provision are several other constitutional articles that define how public money is managed. Article 149 provides for the creation of the Consolidated Fund, into which all Government revenues are paid. It further stipulates that no funds may be withdrawn from this account except under the authority of law, reinforcing Parliament’s role in financial governance.
Article 150 elaborates on this requirement by mandating that withdrawals from the Consolidated Fund must be authorised through appropriation laws passed by Parliament, typically in the form of the annual budget. This ensures that Government spending is subject to prior legislative approval.
In situations requiring urgent expenditure, Article 151 establishes the Contingencies Fund. While the President may authorise advances from this fund, such spending must later be presented to Parliament for approval, maintaining legislative oversight even in emergencies.
Finally, Article 153 deals with supplementary financial procedures, including additional or unforeseen expenditures. It requires that such spending also be brought before Parliament, ensuring continued scrutiny and accountability.
Collectively, these constitutional provisions underscore the fundamental principle that control over public finance rests with Parliament, thereby promoting transparency, accountability, and responsible governance in Sri Lanka.
COPF vs. Treasury
It is in such a backdrop that a tense exchange between COPF Chairman Harsha de Silva and Treasury Secretary Harshana Suriyapperuma has highlighted a fundamental issue in governance, which is the extent to which public officials are accountable to Parliament.
The dispute arose when Suriyapperuma on Wednesday (29 April) informed the COPF that he would not appear before the committee on Thursday (30 April) as requested by the committee to discuss the reported $ 2.5 million Treasury cyber incident, noting that he would request a later date since President AKD was planning on making a statement in Parliament about the incident.
Suriyapperuma’s Wednesday announcement prompted an immediate response from COPF Chairman de Silva, who insisted that such committees were a key part of Parliament’s authority over public finances and could not be disregarded. “Why isn’t he coming? What is there to hide? If that’s the case, then abolish the finance committee! Throw me out! Is this what you call system change?” he questioned.
Opposition members also criticised the move, arguing that the Treasury Secretary’s refusal to attend undermined the role of Parliament in overseeing the use of public funds. They stressed that officials were obliged to appear before parliamentary committees, particularly when financial irregularities were under review.
Following the backlash, Suriyapperuma reversed his position and informed the COPF on Thursday morning that he would attend the meeting as requested.
COPF probe reveals more
Be that as it may, the disclosure by de Silva following Thursday’s COPF meeting that was finally attended by Treasury Secretary Suriyapperuma should cause concern to anyone concerned about public accountability.
Ten Government debt repayment transactions worth a combined $ 2.5 million have reportedly failed to reach their intended recipient in Australia, and what is worse is that this lapse had gone undetected, or at least unconfirmed, for months, raising deeper questions than the missing funds alone.
While the incident points to a technical or procedural breakdown, the timeline outlined by the COPF is more troubling, with red flags in January and confirmation only in March, and to top it all, with parliamentary oversight seemingly bypassed until now.
Suriyapperuma’s presence alongside senior Finance Ministry and CBSL officials suggests the seriousness of the issue is not being downplayed. Nevertheless, it now needs to be seen whether the Treasury cyber scandal episode becomes another footnote in a long list of governance failures or a turning point for reform.
Equally concerning are the “serious gaps in processes” identified by the COPF, as pointed out by de Silva. Why were Parliament and the COPF not informed promptly? What controls failed between the Treasury, the CBSL, and the payment channels? And perhaps, most critically, how many similar vulnerabilities remain undiscovered?
De Silva’s warning that taxpayers could ultimately bear the burden if funds are not recovered cuts to the political core of the issue. In a country where citizens are already overburdened with inflation and tax hikes, the idea that public money could vanish due to preventable failures is politically combustible.
However, the parliamentary committee has now given the Finance Ministry a one-month deadline to submit a comprehensive report, complete with supporting evidence. This report is expected to clarify whether the issue stemmed from human error, systemic failure, or deliberate wrongdoing.
Dual citizenship allegation
Meanwhile, a fresh political controversy has emerged over the status of Treasury Secretary Suriyapperuma, after former MP Sanjeewa Edirimanne alleged that the senior official held dual citizenship. Edirimanne’s claim has raised questions over the constitutional eligibility of a dual citizen holding a senior post in the public sector.
Under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution, which was introduced in 2015 as part of broader democratic reforms, dual citizens were barred from serving as MPs. Although subsequent constitutional changes have altered aspects of governance, the principle of exclusive allegiance in public office remains a politically sensitive matter.
Edirimanne has also argued that Suriyapperuma may be required to repay salaries and allowances received during his tenure as an MP and a Deputy Minister, which is a claim not yet tested in court.
It now has to be seen how this latest controversy will unfold for the ruling party.
A death amid scandal
Against this backdrop, the death of Ranga Nishantha, an Assistant Director at the ERD of the Ministry of Finance, has cast a long shadow over an already troubling financial scandal at the Treasury.
Nishantha was one of four senior officials suspended by the Ministry of Finance as investigations intensified into what authorities have described as a cyber fraud. His death, reportedly at his home in Kuliyapitiya, came after he had failed to appear twice before the CID, which had sought to question him over the incident.
Nishantha’s failure to appear before investigators has been noted as a key detail in the unfolding narrative. Yet it also opens uncomfortable questions: what pressure was he under? What protections exist for officials navigating high-stakes investigations? And how does the State balance the urgency of accountability with the mental and personal well-being of those under scrutiny?
The RDA payment dispute
Meanwhile, another flashpoint in the use of public finances that surfaced last week is the controversy surrounding alleged duplicate payments made to several contractors of the Road Development Authority (RDA).
The RDA has strongly rejected allegations that more than Rs. 380 million has been mistakenly paid twice to contractors. In its official response, the authority has described the claims as “false, misleading, and completely baseless,” insisting that no such transactions originated from its system and that no financial loss had occurred.
The controversy was brought to light by Opposition MP Nalin Bandara, which quickly gained traction on social media. According to the RDA, attempts to link the institution to financial mismanagement are not only inaccurate but also damaging public confidence.
Opposition MP Namal Rajapaksa has also pushed back, citing what he describes as documentary evidence. In a post on X, he challenged the Government’s narrative, pointing to a Recall of Funds notice from the Bank of Ceylon (BOC), which he claims confirms that Rs. 263 million had mistakenly been transferred due to a system error. More significantly, he alleges that over Rs. 51 million remains unaccounted for.
This is where the issue moves beyond accounting – and into credibility.
Deputy Minister Prasanna Gunasena has already dismissed the allegations as baseless, noting that the mistake was on the part of the BOC and not the RDA. But the Opposition’s counter-claim, based on what it notes are official records, raises several questions. If there was a system error, who is responsible? If funds were recalled, why is there still a gap? And if no error occurred, what exactly do these documents represent?
The Government, meanwhile, admitted to the duplicate payments to RDA contractors and that the BOC, which made the payment, is taking action to recover the duplicate payments as per the mechanism available for such recoveries.
Cabinet Spokesperson, Minister Nalinda Jayatissa told the weekly Cabinet briefing last week that the duplicate payment had no impact on RDA accounts or personal accounts. He said that an error had occurred in the fund transmission through the Internal Payment File and that the banks had a system to recover such duplicate payments.
Two more No-Confidence Motions?
Meanwhile, the Opposition appears to be preparing its next parliamentary offensive, targeting the Government on both financial management and national security while bringing two senior figures into focus.
It is learnt that discussions have been held among Opposition groups to present two No-Confidence Motions (NCMs) – one against President AKD in his role as Minister of Finance and the other against Deputy Minister of Defence Aruna Jayasekara.
The proposed motion against AKD is linked to the controversial Treasury scandal involving the alleged transfer of $ 2.5 million into a fraudulent foreign account.
However, the case against Jayasekara draws on events from the past. It reportedly relates to his role as Eastern Commander at the time of the Easter Sunday attacks, with allegations that necessary action had not been taken to prevent the attacks despite available intelligence.
Although the two motions are based on very different aspects, they point to a broader political strategy that links current governance concerns with unresolved questions about past failures.
Lal faces another complaint
Meanwhile, senior Government Minister K.D. Lalkantha, who has been in the midst of much controversy, is facing yet another complaint that has been lodged before the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC).
The Nawa Janatha Peramuna has lodged the complaint citing that Lalkantha had misused public property for over a decade by occupying a residence at the Madiwela MPs’ quarters when he was no longer an MP. Lalkantha served as an MP from December 2001 till February 2010. However, he had allegedly occupied a residence at the housing complex for several years from 2010 when he no longer represented Parliament.
Warning a Deputy Minister
Meanwhile, a senior JVP member who is also a Deputy Minister in the current Government was recently summoned to the JVP/NPP Headquarters in Pelawatte for a stern warning.
The relevant Deputy Minister, who was under the influence of alcohol, had recently engaged in a verbal altercation during a wedding at a star-class hotel in Colombo. During the argument, the Deputy Minister had made a threat that he could arrest the other individual involved in the argument at any time. Opposition politicians who were at the wedding had been surprised to witness the actions of the Deputy Minister.
However, news about the Government politician’s actions were publicised on social media and even reached the JVP Headquarters.
A few days later, the Deputy Minister had been invited for another wedding that had been attended by Government and Opposition politicians in the Bulathsinhala area. Minister Nalinda Jayatissa had also been among the invitees. When he had arrived at the wedding, several Opposition politicians, after greeting him, had asked why the Deputy Minister was late. Another invitee at the wedding had then cut in and said that the Deputy Minister had informed them that he would be getting late since he had been summoned to the JVP Headquarters.
Everyone including Jayatissa had exchanged expressions, indicating that the Deputy Minister had been summoned for a tongue lashing by the party seniors.
Finally, when the Deputy Minister had arrived at the wedding, he had not been in a good mood.
Meanwhile, another Deputy Minister is also reportedly diverting young women attached to the khaki-clad services – deployed, at least in principle, for official security duties – to engage in the relevant politician’s household chores. According to reports, these khaki-clad female officers engage in sweeping floors, cooking meals, and ironing clothes at the Deputy Minister’s residence.
JVP/NPP signals tougher push
Amidst these developments faced by the Government and within the ruling party, comments by JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva last week suggest that the Government is once again pushing the agenda of anti-corruption and justice for past wrongs in its long-running effort to investigate alleged illicit financial flows linked to past administrations.
The latest move seems to be yet another effort by the JVP/NPP to hold on to the JVP cadre that is disillusioned by the conduct of some of their party seniors as well as NPP supporters who are growing weary of the continuous failures of the Government.
Silva told a news conference at the Party Headquarters that the Government was actively probing claims that significant sums of money had been moved overseas by political figures during previous regimes. According to him, authorities expect to eventually reveal details including the individuals involved, the amounts in question, and the countries where the assets are believed to be held.
A key feature of this effort is the emphasis on international cooperation, with the JVP General Secretary stating that foreign governments are now assisting Sri Lanka in ways not seen before, describing this as an important political and diplomatic shift.
However, allegations of hidden wealth, whether in places such as Uganda or elsewhere, have long been part of the country’s political discourse and have been raised often without conclusive outcomes.
MR’s assets probe
Meanwhile, the latest development in relation to the ongoing investigation into former President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s (MR) assets by the CIABOC has once again brought the issue of asset transparency into focus.
According to recent reports, the CIABOC has raised concerns that an affidavit submitted by MR, detailing part of his assets, contains significant shortcomings, and the commission has now called for a complete disclosure of his total assets, suggesting that the initial submission was insufficient for a full assessment.
While the specifics of the affidavit’s gaps have not been publicly detailed, the commission’s stance signals a renewed emphasis on the probe on MR’s assets.
8 July D-Day?
While the Government has started a push for conclusive outcomes in ongoing probes into alleged financial misappropriations and fraud, the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court on Wednesday (29 April) ordered the CID to report progress on investigations into a complaint against former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and former Presidential Secretary Saman Ekanayake on 8 July.
The court had also inquired about the filing of indictments, and Additional Solicitor General Dileepa Peiris had noted that steps would be taken to file charges before the next hearing. The Magistrate had criticised delays in the investigation, noting that although the need to record Maithree Wickramasinghe’s statement had been raised in January, it had only been done recently in actuality. He had warned that unnecessary delays could undermine the significance of criminal proceedings.
The complaint against Wickremesinghe alleges that more than Rs. 16 million in public funds had been misused when the former President attended his wife’s graduation ceremony in the UK in 2023.
The case was taken up before Magistrate Isuru Neththikumara.
Former President Wickremesinghe did not appear in court, with his lawyers submitting medical reports stating that he is unwell. The second suspect, Ekanayake, was present in court.
Probe developments
Appearing for the CID, Additional Solicitor General Peiris had informed court that investigations were nearing completion. He had stated that the CID had already sought clarification from the University of Wolverhampton regarding an invitation allegedly sent to Wickremesinghe for the graduation ceremony.
He had noted that authorities were considering whether further official verification was required through the Foreign Ministry under the Mutual Assistance Act.
Peiris had also revealed that a statement had been recorded from Wickremesinghe’s wife, Maithree, on 24 April. According to her statement, she had received the invitation on 15 June 2023, and a related letter had been submitted to court for the first time through her testimony.
He had pointed out inconsistencies, noting that the defence had earlier claimed the invitation had been received on 1 September 2023. He had further challenged the claim that the UK visit was merely a “transit,” stating that Wickremesinghe had travelled significant distances within the UK, stayed in hotels, and spent extended time there.
Defence arguments
President’s Counsel Tilak Marapana, appearing for Wickremesinghe, had argued that the invitation from the University of Wolverhampton was genuine and officially recognised.
He had further claimed that the issue was not about the former President’s actions but about how Sri Lanka’s High Commission in the UK had incurred expenses exceeding Rs. 16 million. He had questioned certain expenditures, including millions spent on vehicles and meals, arguing that they were excessive and not directly used by Wickremesinghe.
Marapana had also stated that the visit had not been solely for a graduation but included attending an event marking an anniversary of the university’s Vice Chancellor.
Sufficient evidence
The Magistrate had, however, rejected the argument that public funds could be spent without scrutiny, emphasising that such expenditure had to be properly investigated.
He had further observed that, based on the facts presented, there appeared to be sufficient evidence against Wickremesinghe. However, regarding Maithree, the court had noted that her statement did not yet indicate criminal intent, though further investigation was required before deciding whether to name her as a suspect.
The Magistrate had also stressed that even if the visit had been based on an invitation, it could not automatically be considered an official State invitation unless it carried diplomatic recognition through Government channels.
Joint Opposition at RW’s office
Meanwhile, the joint Opposition convened by former Minister G.L. Peiris continues to focus on shortfalls of the Government while also standing by Wickremesinghe and supporting him with his ongoing legal case. It is interesting to note that press conferences of the joint Opposition are now held at Wickremesinghe’s office on Flower Road in Colombo 7.
Former Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka has become one of the key speakers for the joint Opposition and also takes the lead in the ongoing series of seminars conducted islandwide on the Government’s alleged corruption.
Meanwhile, Peiris engaged in a visit to the Northern Province after receiving a special invitation from an organisation recently. The invitation was to deliver the S.J.V. Chelvanayakam Memorial Lecture in Jaffna. It is quite rare for a politician from the south to receive such an invitation from the north.
The topic assigned to Peiris for the lecture was ‘Federalism and Constitutional Reform’.
During the visit, Peiris had engaged in discussions with several northern politicians about the latest political developments in the country and the path forward.
Internal strain and Eran’s exit
Meanwhile, the resignation of former Minister Eran Wickramaratne from the Working Committee and Management Committee of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), following his appointment as Chairman of the Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) Transformation Committee, has added a new layer of complexity to an already unsettled Opposition landscape.
Wickramaratne’s move, while formally tied to his assumption of a non-political administrative role in cricket governance, has triggered a political discussion within and outside the party.
For the SJB, the departure comes at a delicate moment. The party, which has positioned itself as the main Opposition party, has been grappling with questions of internal cohesion, policy direction, and leadership consolidation for a while. The party’s challenge has long been balancing its political identity as a broad Opposition alliance with the need for disciplined policy leadership.
Cricket reform and political optics
However, Wickramaratne’s new role as Chairman of the SLC Transformation Committee places him at the centre of yet another institution under public scrutiny. SLC, which is considered one of the country’s key sporting bodies, has frequently been entangled in allegations of mismanagement, governance lapses, and political interference. Transformation committees are typically established to signal reform, restore credibility, and introduce administrative restructuring.
However, in local political culture, such appointments are often viewed through a dual lens that focuses on technical reform on one hand and political repositioning on the other.
The latest SLC episode and Wickramaratne’s involvement also highlights a continuing challenge for the SJB, which is the retention of experienced professionals while maintaining political momentum.
Hence, Wickramaratne’s resignation from internal committees may be procedurally clean, but politically it leaves a gap in economic and administrative expertise at a time when policy credibility remains central to the party’s identity.
A move by the SJB
Nevertheless, several senior SJBers opine that Wickramaratne’s exit from key decision-making bodies of the SJB will not have any adverse impact on the party.
According to a senior SJB member, there has been a division between the party leadership and the three heads of the party’s economic arm due to several reasons. Among these reasons are the partiality shown by the SJB economic heads including Wickramaratne towards former President Wickremesinghe and the economic policies that were presented by them on behalf of the SJB that have failed to garner the support of the masses.
All these issues had created a distance between the SJB leadership and the party’s economic arm heads, with a group of party seniors loyal to the leadership even promoting new figures including economists and professionals as alternatives with fresh, practical ideas to take the SJB forward.
UNP rejects SJB invite
Amidst the increasing issues on the political stage, May Day celebrations on Friday (1) became a show of political strength between the ruling JVP/NPP and the main Opposition SJB.
While the ruling party held May Day rallies attended by senior party members in 21 districts, the SJB held a rally at the P.D. Sirisena Ground in Maligawatte.
The SJB expected the event to also provide the platform for senior members of the SJB and United National Party (UNP) to stand on one stage as the two parties continue to work on forming an alliance.
However, the UNP on Tuesday (28 April) declined the SJB’s invitation to attend its May Day rally. The decision by the UNP to abstain from this year’s May Day rally organised by the SJB is more than a scheduling inconvenience and could be seen as a reminder of the tensions, traditions, and tactical calculations that continue to affect politics between the SJB and UNP.
It appears that a plan launched by a few senior members of the UNP who are opposed to an alliance between the party and the SJB have disrupted the anticipated unity between the two parties to some extent through the UNP’s latest announcement.
In a letter dated 27 April, UNP General Secretary Thalatha Atukorale had made it clear that the party would not engage in May Day political activity due to 1 May coinciding with a Poya day.
The letter has noted that the UNP’s stance draws from a precedent associated with former President Ranasinghe Premadasa, who was known to discourage political celebrations on days of religious significance. By invoking Premadasa, the UNP is not only grounding its decision in tradition but also sending out a message to the SJB, or more precisely to late President Premadasa’s son, SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa.
Also, the UNP’s emphasis on religious observance reflects a shift towards courting the Sinhala nationalist camp. Since the UNP Leader has aligned himself with the Rajapaksa-led Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), the UNP has been trying to appeal to the nationalist vote base.
The SLPP noted that the party would engage in religious observances and would not engage in political activities on May Day due to the Poya holiday that day.
The late invite
Senior UNP member Navin Dissanayake, who is among the party seniors engaged in discussions with the SJB to form an alliance, noted that the SJB’s invitation to attend its May Day rally had been received quite late.
Dissanayake has noted that had the invitation arrived earlier, the UNP could have made some arrangement to be part of the SJB’s May Day celebrations.
Ex-MPs in trouble
Meanwhile, former MPs, whose retirement benefits as former legislators have been slashed, continue to face issues with the Association of Retired Parliamentarians noting that banks have now issued ‘red notices’ to dozens of former MPs who have defaulted on their loan repayments. The association has noted that these debts, until recently, have been serviced through automatic deductions from their parliamentary pensions, which no longer exist.
Association Secretary Pemasiri Manage has noted that there are many former MPs facing this predicament, including several former JVP MPs. Manage has noted that their predicament is straightforward since the income stream that underwrote their borrowings has been cut off while the liabilities remain.
The abolition of the former MPs’ pension scheme may have been politically popular in a climate demanding accountability and austerity, but, as pointed out by the association, like many reforms executed under public pressure, its second-order consequences are now surfacing. The loans did not disappear with the pensions. They merely lost their repayment mechanism.