When representatives of six Tamil and Muslim parties – which formed a common platform to raise their voice for solutions to the shared problems faced by Tamil-speaking communities – recently met President Anura Kumara Dissanayake for discussions, they requested him to expeditiously hold the long-delayed Provincial Council (PC) Elections.

Responding to this, the President stated that action would be taken based on the findings of the Parliamentary Select Committee currently studying which system should be used to conduct the PC Elections.

The Tamil-speaking parties did not need to meet the President merely to hear this response. The Government’s stance regarding the PC Elections is already well known.

Upon hearing President Dissanayake’s response, Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) Parliamentary Group Leader Shanakiyan Rasamanickam and Sri Lanka Muslim Congress General Secretary Nizam Kariapper – both members of the Parliamentary Select Committee – reportedly told the President: “Instead of saying that action will be taken based on the select committee’s decision, you might as well have said that you cannot hold the PC Elections.”

When the select committee was appointed, its Chairman, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath announced that a report would be submitted within three months. The first meeting of the select committee took place on 17 March. Although five months have passed since then, no report has materialised.

When Rasamanickam pointed out the select committee’s mandate to submit a report within three months, Minister Herath countered that the mandate was to present an initial report within that timeframe. Herath’s reply served as a clear signal exposing that the Government appointed the select committee precisely to avoid holding the PC Elections for the time being.

NPP Govt.’s stalling tactics

In its 2024 election manifesto, the National People’s Power (NPP) pledged to the public that it would hold the PC Elections within one year of assuming office. 

Now, with nearly two years having elapsed, the Government is engaging in stalling tactics by citing various reasons, including the claim that the elections can only be conducted after the submission of the Delimitation Committee report.

During an official visit to Colombo, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri met President Dissanayake and urged the full implementation of constitutional provisions – including the swift conduct of PC Elections – to fulfil the political aspirations of the Tamil people. While this was mentioned in the statement issued by the Indian Ministry of External Affairs, no reference to it appeared in the statement released by the President’s Media Division.

It is abundantly clear that a sincere approach cannot be expected from the NPP Government, which hesitates to publicly acknowledge India’s interest in the PC Elections or admit that the visiting Indian Foreign Secretary raised the matter with it.

Following their discussion with the President, representatives of the Tamil-speaking parties met Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha and informed him of the President’s response regarding the elections.

Foreign Secretary Misri did not meet the Tamil-speaking parties collectively. During individual meetings held with representatives of northern and eastern Tamil parties, they reiterated their usual demand that India press the Sri Lankan Government to hold the PC Elections promptly. His response was that India would continue to urge the Sri Lankan Government to conduct those elections, fully implement the Constitution, and address the aspirations of the Tamil people.

India’s ambiguous stance

A ‘peculiar’ approach observed in recent years regarding India’s stance on the Sri Lankan ethnic issue was once again evident during Vikram Misri’s visit to Colombo.

Following the July 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord, the 13th Amendment was introduced to the Sri Lankan Constitution to establish Provincial Councils. However, New Delhi no longer explicitly asks Colombo to fully implement the 13th Amendment. Instead, it makes generic requests to “fully implement the Constitution”. It remains unclear what provisions in the Sri Lankan Constitution – other than the 13th Amendment – India is concerned about.

Since the 13th Amendment came into force in 1987, it had been a standard practice for Indian leaders to mention it during their meetings with Sri Lankan leaders.

When Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi made his first visit to Colombo in March 2015, he urged the Government of that time to fully implement the 13th Amendment. Similarly, during President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s visit to New Delhi in November 2019, Prime Minister Modi directly urged him to implement the 13th Amendment.

During a joint press briefing with Rajapaksa on 29 November 2019, Modi stated: “I hope that the Sri Lankan Government will carry forward the reconciliation process to fulfil the aspirations of the Tamils for equality, justice, peace, and dignity. This includes the implementation of the 13th Amendment.” However, Rajapaksa avoided making any reference to it.

In contrast, during President Dissanayake’s visit to New Delhi in mid-December 2024, the joint statement made no mention of the ethnic issue or the 13th Amendment. Even when addressing the media alongside the Sri Lankan President, the Indian Prime Minister made no specific reference to the 13th Amendment.

Prior to that, during President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s visit to New Delhi in July 2023, the joint statement did not mention implementing the 13th Amendment. However, Modi did refer to its implementation during the joint press conference with Wickremesinghe.

Particularly since the NPP Government came to power, the Modi administration’s recurring refrain has been to ask for the full implementation of the Constitution without explicitly naming the 13th Amendment. Tamils cannot passively dismiss this under the assumption that the 13th Amendment is naturally included within the Constitution.

Even during meetings with northern and eastern Tamil parties, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has consistently avoided stating that India would press the Sri Lankan Government to implement the 13th Amendment.

Given the opposition to the amendment in southern Sri Lanka, New Delhi currently appears reluctant to cause domestic political embarrassment to President Dissanayake and his Government by mentioning it directly. Consequently, pressure from New Delhi regarding PC Elections is unlikely, and no other nation is expected to show interest either.

The need for public mobilisation

Opposition parties in the south are challenging the Government to hold PC Elections primarily because they anticipate the NPP will suffer a greater decline in votes than it did in the 2025 Local Government Elections.

However, as other issues arise to be used against the Government, the Opposition’s focus will shift. Amid controversies surrounding the proposed constitutional amendment to raise the retirement age of superior court judges, these parties have already sidelined the topic of PC Elections.

Against this backdrop, the unified Tamil-speaking parties must step forward to mobilise the public across the north, east, and hill country to conduct democratic mass protests (such as satyagraha and peace marches) demanding PC Elections.

When northern and eastern Tamil parties, hill country Tamil parties, and Muslim parties unite to demand Provincial Councils and devolution of power, it will command significant national and international attention.

Even external pressure materialises only on the heels of democratic pressure generated by the people domestically. Without strong, peaceful democratic protests, it will be impossible to bring about a change in the Government’s stance.

(The writer is a senior journalist based in Colombo)

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the official position of this publication)