The National People’s Power (NPP) Government has signed plans to change the iconic khaki-brown Police uniform, with negotiations underway with suppliers to source a preliminary batch of uniforms and body-worn cameras, in line with a growing international trend towards evidence collection and encounter monitoring. The NPP has called for reform in the law enforcement community and has taken steps to address long-standing gaps in pay and resources. However, changing the image of a law enforcement organisation should happen alongside overall improvements in the behaviour of policemen and women, as cosmetic changes do little when the organisation’s institutional memory remains stagnant and the public’s perception of the service remains poor.
Much remains to be done before wrapping nearly 80,000 cops in a new uniform to signal change. The Police needs to change how it engages with the public. For starters, there needs to be clarity and transparency about what action the Police takes when its own are found to be in breach of the law. Over the last decade, hundreds, if not thousands, of Police personnel have been arrested under various charges. However, the public seldom hears the outcome of such cases. To its credit, the NPP Government has interdicted a number of Police officers and charged dozens, producing some before the courts. However, it is evident that the Police is less enthusiastic about showing progress and outcomes of cases where those who donned the khaki-brown are prosecuted. The Police Media Division, which bombards newsrooms with daily situation reports and lists of daily crimes and arrests, hardly ever mentions what happens to the policemen arrested or interdicted.
Last year, the Police confiscated over one-and-a-half tonnes of heroin and nearly three tonnes of methamphetamine (‘ice’). Last year saw a spike in gun violence, which has continued into this year. While many so-called narco ‘kingpins’ have been arrested overseas and repatriated to face trial, the Police also reportedly suspended over 200 of its own cadres for involvement in crime. That is a significant number. These are not simply law enforcement failures. They are symptoms of a deeper institutional crisis: a Police force structurally unprepared for the complexity of 21st century crime. It has been operating without adequate accountability mechanisms and has severely underinvested in officer welfare. Pay and welfare gaps, compounded by organisational culture and peer pressure, leave many Police officers vulnerable to exploitation by criminal groups. Organised crime groups have penetrated Police structures and the results have been widely reported over the last few years. Addressing these vulnerabilities is more urgent than a new uniform or colour palette. Yes, in the long run, a new uniform will help, and a strong awareness-building campaign alongside it may help the younger generation appreciate the department better. However, as long as the Police continues to behave in an abusive and corrupt manner, no amount of cosmetic changes will help improve the situation.
The move to introduce body-worn cameras, while commendable for transparency and accountability, does not guarantee a change in Police behaviour. Sri Lanka should study the outcomes of foreign law enforcement agencies which have used body cameras thus far, so as not to repeat mistakes they have made. Technological solutions to accountability issues do not inherently override deep-seated Police culture. High-profile incidents – such as the fatal 2023 beating of Tyre Nichols in Memphis in the US – occurred despite multiple officers wearing active body cameras, pointing to the fact that surveillance alone does not act as a total deterrent. Nichols’ death fuelled nationwide protests against Police brutality, particularly against Black men, and heightened scrutiny of the Police in Memphis, a majority-Black city. Then there is concern about who has access to the imagery recorded on such Police cameras. Going by Sri Lanka’s law enforcement practice of releasing CCTV footage linked to a crime for the evening news even before preliminary investigations have wrapped up, there is significant concern about this issue. We should not forget that in some instances, citizens, suspects, and victims alike may be in one of the most vulnerable situations of their lives when they are captured on camera by a Police officer as a first responder. Should we not have a robust regulatory framework to govern how such visuals are kept, who has access to them, and who can use them? If we look at how secure the ‘evidence rooms’ in Sri Lankan courts are, based on past experience, many will prefer not to be captured on camera at all.
Meanwhile, let us not forget that human rights regulators and court orders have called for CCTV cameras in Police stations and holding cells for many years, with implementation almost non-existent thus far. As such, there are also concerns about uniform rollout and the necessary guidelines.
Police reforms are important, and yes, the trust deficit between the public and law enforcement agencies needs to be bridged. Let us first address the more important issues and change the institutional culture before we put old wine in new bottles.