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Will Sri Lanka move forward?

Will Sri Lanka move forward?

12 Feb 2026


Sri Lanka’s rise from 121 to 107 on Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index is welcome news. After years of economic collapse, political upheaval and institutional distrust, any signal of improvement in governance carries weight. A 14-place climb is not insignificant. It suggests that something has shifted.

But what, exactly, has changed, and how deep does that change run?

To understand this moment, we must return to 2022. The aragalaya was not merely born out of economic desperation. People were not merely protesting fuel queues and power cuts. They were protesting impunity. They were protesting a political culture in which public office appeared to serve private interests. Corruption was no longer an abstract complaint. It was linked directly to empty shelves, soaring prices, and a bankrupt State.

That rupture in public tolerance altered the political landscape. It reshaped electoral expectations and brought to power a government that campaigned explicitly on accountability and system reform. Anti-corruption was no longer a peripheral slogan. It became central to political legitimacy.

The passage of the Anti-Corruption Act No. 9 of 2023 marked a serious attempt at strengthening the legal framework. Expanded powers for investigation, tighter asset declaration requirements, whistle-blower protections, and digital case tracking were not cosmetic adjustments. They were overdue reforms. The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC), long criticised for inertia, has in recent months appeared more assertive. High-profile actions have signalled a new willingness to pursue cases that were once politically untouchable.

It is therefore plausible that international observers and business analysts have taken note. The Corruption Perceptions Index measures how a country’s public sector corruption is perceived by experts and investors. Perception matters. Investment decisions hinge on it. Credit assessments are shaped by it. A shift in perception suggests increased confidence that institutions are functioning.

Yet we must be careful not to mistake movement for arrival.

Sri Lanka remains in the lower half of countries ranked. The global average score stands at 42. It is a reminder that corruption remains stubborn and global. Our improvement does not place us among the clean. It simply suggests we are less mired than before.

Moreover, perception can change more quickly than reality. Arrests and investigations create headlines. They demonstrate intent. But the true measure of anti-corruption lies in outcomes. Are cases prosecuted effectively? Are convictions secured through due process? Are stolen assets recovered? Are procurement systems redesigned to reduce risk rather than merely punish after the fact?

These questions matter because corruption is not eliminated by a single electoral wave. It is embedded in incentives, patronage networks and administrative culture. If those structures remain intact, they will adapt.

There is also a delicate democratic balance to maintain. Some opposition figures have alleged that the anti-corruption drive is being weaponised to silence critics. Such claims are politically predictable. Every administration that intensifies enforcement faces similar accusations. Yet they cannot be dismissed outright.

For an anti-corruption body to command public trust, it must be demonstrably independent. Its investigations must be evidence driven and applied evenly. It must pursue wrongdoing irrespective of party colour. The moment enforcement appears selective, the credibility painstakingly built begins to erode.

Sri Lanka has seen cycles before. Governments come to power promising clean hands. Commissions are energised. Cases are filed. Then political winds shift and the momentum falters. Institutions become cautious. Files gather dust. Public cynicism returns.

If this improvement in ranking is to mean anything, it must outlast the current political moment. Anti-corruption cannot be the property of one party or one administration. It must become embedded in systems. Transparent political financing laws, independent public service appointments, open procurement platforms and a judiciary capable of efficient adjudication are the real foundations of integrity.

The aragalaya demanded accountability. The electorate endorsed reform. The CPI ranking suggests the world has noticed a change in tone and perhaps in action. But complacency would be dangerous.

A 14-place climb is progress. It is not an absolution.

The harder work lies ahead. It lies in ensuring that fear of investigation is replaced by a culture of integrity. It lies in building institutions strong enough to withstand political pressure. It lies in proving that enforcement today is not theatre but transformation.

Sri Lanka has moved upward. The question now is whether it will move forward.



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