President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government have entered the phase that is a familiar challenge confronting every administration that assumes office on a platform of sweeping change: converting political promises into visible results.

While the Government remains politically secure with its parliamentary majority, public attention is increasingly shifting from policy announcements to implementation. Concerns over delays in rolling out development projects outlined in the 2026 Budget have prompted the administration to intensify efforts to accelerate delivery through the State machinery. At the same time, officials acknowledge that a climate of heightened scrutiny and anti-corruption investigations has contributed to growing caution within parts of the public service, slowing decision-making and project execution.

Against this backdrop, President AKD used Parliament’s debate on the drug menace to deliver a broader political message. Framing organised crime, corruption, and abuse of State power as interconnected challenges, the President made it clear that his Government intended to pursue accountability regardless of political consequences. His remarks reflected the JVP/NPP administration’s continuing effort to distinguish itself from previous governments by presenting the fight against impunity as a central pillar of its mandate.

The past week also saw developments on several other fronts with an International Monetary Fund (IMF) delegation arriving in Colombo amid speculation about the Government’s post-IMF economic strategy, while a series of high-level visits by senior United States officials highlighted Sri Lanka’s growing strategic significance in the Indian Ocean. Meanwhile, Opposition parties continued efforts to reorganise and build new political alliances as investigations into former political and administrative power centres gathered momentum.

Focusing on development

In recent months, there has been growing public and institutional pressure on the AKD Government to accelerate the implementation of development projects identified in the 2026 Budget. While the Budget outlines an ambitious framework aimed at economic recovery, infrastructure development, and public service reform, concerns are increasingly being raised about delays in translating allocations into tangible outcomes on the ground.

Stakeholders from both the public and private sectors have emphasised that Budget credibility now depends not only on fiscal planning but also on effective execution. In this context, attention has turned to the administrative machinery responsible for delivering results, particularly ministries and implementing agencies under the current Government.

Against this backdrop, a high-level coordination meeting was recently convened by Secretary to the President Nandika Sanath Kumanayake with all ministry secretaries. The discussion reportedly focused on reviewing the status of projects already launched under the 2026 Budget and identifying bottlenecks that are slowing implementation. Key issues such as inter-ministerial coordination, procurement delays, and administrative inefficiencies were highlighted as areas requiring urgent attention.

The meeting also underscored the importance of strengthening monitoring mechanisms to ensure that allocated funds are utilised efficiently and that project timelines are strictly adhered to. Ministry secretaries were instructed to prioritise time-bound delivery, improve coordination with relevant agencies, and ensure that reporting systems are more transparent and accountable.

At the same time, several senior State sector officials note that one of the emerging reasons for delays in implementing certain budgeted initiatives is a growing sense of caution within the public sector. Some State officials, it is learnt, are reluctant to take initiative or make expedited decisions due to concerns that their actions could later come under scrutiny, leading to investigations or allegations of corruption and wrongdoing. This perceived ‘decision-making paralysis’ is increasingly being viewed as a practical constraint on efficient implementation, alongside administrative and procedural bottlenecks.

As public expectations rise, President AKD and his Government face increasing pressure to demonstrate tangible results from their development agenda, particularly at a time when economic recovery and public confidence remain closely linked to visible progress on the ground.

Meanwhile, the IMF delegation arrived in the country last Wednesday (24) and will remain until Tuesday (30). During the visit, IMF officials are expected to assess Sri Lanka’s recent economic developments and discuss the progress of the country’s economic reform programme.

However, there is growing speculation that the Government is unlikely to pursue a new agreement with the IMF after the current IMF arrangement expires in March next year.

Accountability and impunity

President AKD meanwhile used Parliament’s debate on the drug menace last Thursday (25) to deliver a broader political message: that his Government intends to pursue both organised crime and the political networks that enable it.

Far from being merely a discussion about narcotics, the President’s speech linked drug trafficking, corruption, abuse of State power, and political patronage into a single narrative. His argument was that organised crime had not flourished independently but had been protected by elements within the political establishment and State institutions over many years.

The President defended ongoing probes into high-profile crimes, attacks on journalists, and corruption cases, rejecting accusations that they amounted to political revenge. Instead, he presented them as part of a larger effort to build what he repeatedly described as a “civilised State” governed by accountability rather than impunity.

AKD also sought to position his administration as simultaneously tough on crime and committed to democratic reform. He reaffirmed plans to repeal the controversial Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), replace it with more narrowly defined organised crime legislation, and revise the controversial Online Safety Act (OSA).

Renewed interest in SL

On the diplomatic front, the arrival of US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs S. Paul Kapur and Pacific Air Forces Commander General Kevin Schneider in Colombo within days of each other is unlikely to be a coincidence. The twin visits signal Washington’s intention to elevate engagement with Sri Lanka at a time when the Indian Ocean is becoming an increasingly contested strategic space.

Official statements have highlighted trade, investment, security cooperation, cybersecurity, maritime domain awareness, and disaster response, but the broader message is geopolitical. The US is seeking to strengthen ties with partners across the Indo-Pacific, and Sri Lanka’s location along one of the world’s busiest maritime corridors gives it enduring strategic importance.

For the JVP/NPP Government, the visits offer an opportunity to deepen economic and security cooperation with Washington while maintaining its stated policy of balanced relations with all major powers. Colombo’s challenge will be to leverage growing international interest for economic and security benefits without being drawn into great power rivalries.

CPC turns to Russia

While the US delegates were in Colombo, news of the Government’s efforts to strengthen ties with Russia came out with the news of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation’s (CPC) decision to register two Russian State-owned energy companies, including Rosneft, for future fuel tenders. This move also signals Colombo’s continuing effort to widen its fuel procurement options and secure more competitive pricing.

The move comes shortly after Sri Lanka imported a shipment of US West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude oil, highlighting the Government’s willingness to source energy supplies from multiple markets rather than depend on a limited group of suppliers.

CPC officials, however, note that American crude is not always the most cost-effective option due to higher freight costs and longer shipping times. The registration of Russian suppliers therefore reflects a pragmatic approach focused on price and supply security rather than geopolitical alignment.

The development also illustrates Sri Lanka’s broader foreign policy balancing act. Even as Washington deepens its engagement with Colombo, the Government appears determined to keep its economic options open by engaging with a range of international partners, including Russia, in sectors critical to the country’s recovery.

Meanwhile, uncertainty remains over the future of the fuel subsidy programme, with authorities yet to decide whether additional funding will be provided once the current Rs. 57 billion allocation is exhausted.

Vijitha notes neutrality

Foreign Affairs Minister Vijitha Herath’s meeting with US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Kapur offered a glimpse into the balancing act that continues to define Sri Lanka’s foreign policy.

While expressing appreciation for US assistance, including support during fuel shortages and the provision of vessels and aircraft to Sri Lanka’s security forces, Herath was careful to reiterate Colombo’s commitment to neutrality and adherence to international law. The message appears to be aimed at reassuring both domestic and international audiences that closer ties with Washington do not signal a shift away from Sri Lanka’s traditional non-aligned posture.

The timing, however, is significant as geopolitical competition intensifies across the Indian Ocean, even as Sri Lanka remains under pressure to manage relationships with multiple global powers while pursuing economic recovery. The Government’s emphasis on attracting US investment reflects a broader strategy of diversifying economic partnerships and restoring investor confidence following the country’s financial crisis.

Battle over judicial vacancies

Meanwhile, the Opposition is continuing to lock horns with the Government over the delay in appointing judges to higher courts in the country. The chaotic scenes witnessed in Parliament this past week were about more than a procedural dispute. Beneath the heated exchanges, adjournments, and attempts to seize the mace lay a serious question about the state of the country’s justice system.

The Opposition sought an urgent debate on judicial vacancies, delays in court proceedings, and proposals relating to the retirement age of judges, arguing that mounting case backlogs had become a matter of public importance. The Speaker of Parliament was surprised by the entrance of a group of Opposition legislators to his office. The Speaker had said he was in a rush to attend another matter out of his office, but the Opposition MPs had noted that they wanted to hand over a letter and had given it to the Speaker.

The Speaker had read it, stated that he would look into it, and said that he had to leave his office, and the Opposition MPs had also walked out. The Opposition had walked out knowing well that it would not be approved by the Party Leaders’ Committee.

However, what the Speaker, Leader of the House, and Chief Government Whip were not aware of was the fact that the Opposition had planned to demand a debate under Standing Order 19/1 that enables 20 MPs to stand in the Chamber and demand a debate. A similar action was taken recently when Opposition MPs led by Chief Opposition Whip Gayantha Karunatilleka stood in the Chamber and demanded a debate.

This time around, the task of leading the Opposition team to demand a debate under Standing Order 19/1 was vested with Opposition MP Dayasiri Jayasekara. When the day’s proceedings commenced, MP Ajith P. Perera inquired about the response to the letter that was handed over to the Speaker, who had in turn looked at the Leader of the House for a response.

The Government, citing procedural constraints and a scheduled vote, refused to accommodate the request on the day’s agenda. Jayasekara objected by claiming that the Speaker was mandated to make a decision and that the Opposition was exercising its constitutional right.

What followed was a familiar spectacle of parliamentary confrontation. Leader of the House, Minister Bimal Rathnayake noted that the proceedings should be carried out in line with Standing Orders while dismissing the Opposition demand.

Opposition legislators claimed that the country’s courts continued to grapple with lengthy delays, while vacancies in the higher Judiciary had become a recurring concern among legal professionals and litigants alike. For ordinary citizens seeking justice, prolonged court proceedings are not merely administrative problems; they can mean years of uncertainty, financial hardship, and delayed remedies.

While the Government’s argument that parliamentary procedures must be respected is valid, the Opposition’s insistence that judicial vacancies deserve urgent attention also reflects a broader concern about institutional efficiency and public confidence in the legal system.

Govt.’s tax retreat

Meanwhile, the Government’s decision to abandon plans to lower the Value-Added Tax (VAT) and Social Security Contribution Levy (SSCL) registration threshold from Rs. 60 million to Rs. 36 million is more than a tax policy adjustment as it is a notable political signal – a victory to the public that has continuously expressed concern.

The proposal, originally scheduled to take effect on 1 July, would have brought thousands of additional Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs) into the tax net. Instead, after consultations with the Cabinet, the Attorney General, and parliamentary committees, the Government chose to reverse course.

For many SMEs, the decision came as a relief. Business groups had warned that the lower threshold would impose significant compliance costs at a time when many enterprises are still recovering from years of economic uncertainty. Concerns ranged from the cost of Point of Sale systems to the burden of navigating complex tax regulations and penalties. It also reflects the challenge facing policymakers as they attempt to balance two competing objectives: increasing State revenue while sustaining private sector growth.

The debate in the parliamentary Committee on Public Finance (COPF) highlighted this tension. While officials argued that expanding the tax base was necessary to strengthen public finances, lawmakers raised questions about whether smaller businesses were equipped to absorb additional regulatory and financial obligations.

The decision does not mean tax reform has been abandoned. Parliament’s discussions on digital taxation and broader VAT amendments indicate that fiscal reforms remain a priority. However, the Government appears to have recognised that revenue collection efforts must be calibrated carefully to avoid stifling entrepreneurship.

COPF’s committee room row

Meanwhile, a seemingly routine dispute over committee room allocations has opened a wider debate about the place of parliamentary oversight in Sri Lanka.

COPF Chairman Harsha de Silva told Parliament this past week that the committee may struggle to continue its work after a decision to allocate Committee Room No. 5 exclusively to the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) from Tuesday to Friday.

De Silva complained that the arrangement had not been formally communicated and noted that committees had traditionally shared the facility. He also pointed to remarks made in Parliament by some Government MPs suggesting that the COPF was no longer necessary.

The exchange quickly moved beyond logistics, with de Silva highlighting that the COPF had met 87 times during the 10th Parliament, compared to 33 meetings held by COPE, underscoring what he sees as his committee’s central role in scrutinising Government finances and economic policy.

The Speaker of Parliament moved to defuse the situation, saying that the matter would be taken up at the Advisory Committee and resolved.

The faulty plan

Be that as it may, President AKD and his JVP/NPP Government seem to have thus far managed to manoeuvre the challenges they have faced since assuming office. These moves have effectively impacted plans of some members of the Opposition for the incumbent Government to be ousted from office while making way for former President Ranil Wickremesinghe and a group of his loyalists to assume office like during the 2022 economic crisis.

It is, however, evident that the political strategists backing Wickremesinghe have failed to fully map out the current political landscape in the country, especially the layout of Parliament, where the ruling JVP/NPP enjoys 159 seats in the House.

In such a scenario, in the event President AKD is forced to resign from office, the next in line to assume office would be Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya, and given the two-thirds-plus majority in Parliament held by the ruling party, there would hardly be an opportunity for any other individual to be voted into office in an election for a president in Parliament.

Considering this situation, some Wickremesinghe loyalists have been working overtime trying to claim that there are many disgruntled NPPers, not JVPers, who could defect from the Government in the near future. Even if 40 NPPers defect to the Opposition, the Government would still hold a majority in the House.

Realising the disparity in numbers, it is learnt that Wickremesinghe had told several of his confidants that he had no plans to enter the current Parliament since it was not favourable for a change in power bases. Wickremesinghe had explained to his confidants that the situation was quite different in the previous Parliament when he was elected President at the 2022 election in the House. At the time, Wickremesinghe enjoyed the support of a majority of the SLPPers including the leaders of the party, who wanted him to assume office and bring normalcy back to the country.

JVP’s internal discussions

It is in such a backdrop that the key coalition partner of the ruling alliance, the JVP, had held a discussion at its Party Headquarters in Pelawatte about the current political developments in the country and the party’s standing among grassroots levels.

It is learnt that the ongoing IMF programme, the plan after the IMF programme ends next March, and Provincial Council (PC) Elections were on the agenda of the discussion.

The JVP/NPP, it is learnt, has decided to launch a campaign targeting the grassroots from next March where many development programmes will be carried out at village level. Accordingly, it is learnt that the JVP has decided to launch a large number of development projects simultaneously, targeting every village. These projects include road development, the rehabilitation of bridges and culverts, and various other infrastructure improvements.

In addition, the Government is said to be planning the recommencement of construction of the remaining sections of the expressways that are currently incomplete or stalled immediately after March next year.

The reason for choosing March, it is also learnt, is due to the conclusion of the IMF programme in March 2027, as it would give more flexibility in Government spending. It is believed that once the ruling party carries out this latest campaign, preparations will be made to hold the PC Elections around mid-2027.

Hearing case against Ananda

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court’s decision to grant leave to proceed with a petition challenging Public Security Minister Ananda Wijepala’s eligibility to sit in Parliament has opened what could become an important constitutional test for the Government.

The case, brought by former Administrative Secretary of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) Renuka Perera, centres on whether Wijepala can legally retain his parliamentary seat while continuing to serve as Chief of Staff to the President. The petitioner argues that the Executive position falls within categories that disqualify an individual from holding office as a Member of Parliament (MP) under the Constitution. At this stage, the court has not ruled on the merits of the case. However, by allowing the appeal to proceed, the Supreme Court has signalled that the legal questions raised warrant detailed examination.

Beyond the fate of a single minister, the case touches on a broader issue that has periodically surfaced in local politics: the boundaries between Executive appointments and parliamentary office. For the Government, the legal challenge arrives at a time when questions of governance, accountability, and constitutional compliance are under increasing public scrutiny. For the Opposition, it presents another opportunity to test the administration’s adherence to legal and institutional norms.

SJB-UNP alliance moves

Meanwhile, on the Opposition side of the divide, the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and United National Party (UNP) took a positive step in forming an alliance between the two parties with an interesting meeting taking place in Colombo on 13 June between a group of SJBers and UNP Leader Wickremesinghe, which eventually resulted in a meeting between the latter and Opposition and SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa on 17 June. Both these meetings were held at Wickremesinghe’s private residence on 5th Lane, Colombo 3.

It is understood that during the discussion, which had lasted for around one-and-a-half hours, the two Leaders had exchanged views at length regarding the possibility of unifying the UNP and SJB.

According to reports, this meeting had taken place as a result of a discussion held at Wickremesinghe’s residence several days earlier. That meeting had been attended by SJB Chairman Kabir Hashim, SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara, and Lakshman Fonseka, who had met with Wickremesinghe to discuss related matters.

RW and three SJBers

It is a notable development that while three representatives from the SJB were seated at the negotiating table, Wickremesinghe attended the discussion alone on behalf of the UNP.

It is learnt that there were extensive discussions on the possibility of uniting the two parties, operating in the form of an alliance, contesting separately where necessary, and joining forces at decisive moments.

In addition, the primary objective of the discussion appears to have been arranging a face-to-face meeting between the Leaders of the two parties. According to reports, Wickremesinghe had been proposing such a meeting for several months.

As a result, it was reportedly decided that a direct meeting between Premadasa and Wickremesinghe would take place the very next day. The SJB delegation had informed the former President that they would first discuss the matter with Premadasa and then provide a formal response regarding the proposed meeting.

It is also learnt that a very positive outlook had emerged during the discussions. Accordingly, the two sides are said to have reached an informal understanding that, in future rounds of talks, there would be no disputes regarding leadership. Such a non-formal consensus was established during these discussions to ensure that the issue of leadership would not become an obstacle to the ongoing negotiations.

RW-Sajith meeting

Following the successful conclusion of the first round of discussions with Wickremesinghe, Hashim, Madduma Bandara, and Fonseka had proceeded directly to the Office of the Opposition Leader to brief Premadasa on the outcome of the talks.

Accordingly, the three SJBers had informed Premadasa in detail about the matters discussed throughout the meeting. They had also informed the SJB Leader that a proposal had been made for a face-to-face meeting between him and Wickremesinghe on the following day, Sunday, 14 June.

However, Premadasa had informed the group that due to several prior commitments, it would be difficult for him to hold the meeting on Sunday as originally proposed and had suggested that the discussion could instead take place on the night of 17 June.

An issue had also arisen regarding the venue for the proposed meeting. While several neutral locations had been suggested, Premadasa had noted to the group that Wickremesinghe was currently recuperating following a surgical procedure and that asking him to travel elsewhere might not be good for his health. Therefore, Premadasa had stated that he was willing to visit the UNP Leader’s residence and hold the discussions there.

Subsequently, when the SJB representatives had resumed discussions with Wickremesinghe regarding the date and time, the latter had indicated that he would be ready to meet Premadasa at his residence at 7.30 p.m. on 17 June.

After conveying this information to Premadasa, the SJB representatives had finalised the arrangements for the meeting. Accordingly, on 17 June, Premadasa had proceeded to Wickremesinghe’s residence on 5th Lane, arriving at exactly 7.30 p.m.

Although Premadasa and Wickremesinghe had experienced various political disagreements over the years, none of those differences had appeared to hinder the discussions during this meeting and it is learnt that from the outset the conversation had progressed in a cordial and friendly manner.

Premadasa had first inquired about Wickremesinghe’s health following his recent heart surgery. After spending some time discussing his recovery and well-being, the former President had shown Premadasa his personal collection of books that had survived the fire that destroyed his residence during the Aragalaya period.

Wickremesinghe, it is learnt, had also spoken at length about many rare and valuable books that had been lost in the fire, mentioning several by name. While showing Premadasa his private library, he had remarked that only a small number of books had remained after the destruction caused by the fire.

Following this discussion, the two Leaders had moved to the meeting table, where they had exchanged views on several other matters. It is also learnt that a range of issues had been discussed between them during the course of the meeting.

Wickremesinghe, it is learnt, had told Premadasa to continue with the discussions with the UNP on forming an alliance and that he would support it.

Sajith orders probe

Meanwhile, the SJB was hit by a bribery case when the Colombo Chief Magistrate’s Court on Thursday (25) remanded three suspects including an SJB MP until 3 July over allegations that they had accepted a Rs. 120 million bribe from the wife of alleged organised crime figure Nadun Chinthaka Wickramaratne, widely known as ‘Harak Kata’.

Colombo Chief Magistrate Asanga S. Bodaragama had also directed Prisons authorities to take the necessary measures to ensure the security of the suspects while in custody.

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) had informed the court that it had filed a certificate under Section 149 of the Anti-Corruption Act, signed by its Director General, indicating that special circumstances must be established before bail can be considered. Observing that no such circumstances had been presented on behalf of the suspects, the Magistrate had ordered that they be remanded.

The suspects are Attorney-at-Law Rakitha Nirmala Rajapakshe, son of former Justice Minister Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe; SJB Organiser for the Horana electorate Charith Wasantha Kumara Abeysinghe; and former Director of Airport and Aviation Services (Sri Lanka) Ltd. Warushahennadige Aruna Sri Chathuranga.

According to the CIABOC, the three suspects had allegedly solicited the bribe while in Dubai in 2023 in exchange for arranging protection for Wickramaratne, who was then being detained by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) under detention orders.

Investigators have alleged that the promised assistance included facilitating the removal of the detention orders issued against Wickramaratne, securing his transfer from the Boossa High-Security Prison to another correctional facility, and arranging his release from ongoing investigations and related legal proceedings.

Abeysinghe’s arrest also prompted a swift response from the Opposition, with Opposition Leader Premadasa telling Parliament that the SJB would initiate disciplinary action against its Horana Organiser, signalling an attempt by the party to distance itself from the controversy.

Responding to questions from Government MPs, Premadasa said there would be no protection for individuals accused of wrongdoing. “We will definitely conduct a disciplinary inquiry and take the strongest possible action if necessary. There is no place in our party for those who commit wrongdoing or criminal acts. We will arrive at a conclusion through an investigation,” he said.

SJB MPs to Ella

Meanwhile, a group of six SJB MPs travelled to Ella last Wednesday (24). MPs J.C. Alawathuwala, Sujeewa Senasinghe, Nalin Bandara, Sujith Sanjaya Perera, Hector Appuhamy, and Dayasiri Jayasekara had all travelled in one van to Ella.

When several other Opposition MPs had inquired whether the six SJBers were on a trip to Ella, another MP had said that they were travelling to attend sessions at the Badulla court on Thursday (25) when a case against fellow SJB MP Chaminda Wijesiri was being taken up.

It is learnt that the case was an old one where Wijesiri has been accused of confronting Police personnel during a protest in the area. The SJB MPs had spent the night in a hotel; the stay had been organised by Opposition MP Chamara Sampath Dasanayake.

Meeting the IMF

Meanwhile, the Joint Opposition group that had requested an appointment with the IMF Resident Representative to discuss Sri Lanka’s ongoing programme with the fund had been informed by the IMF officials to send in writing what the Opposition members wanted to discuss with the fund.

G.L. Peiris and several other senior Opposition members had written a document and sent it to the IMF. After receiving the detailed letter, the IMF officials had given an appointment to the senior Opposition politicians for the morning of 18 June at the Shangri-La One Galle Face office.

The Opposition delegation included Peiris, Nimal Siripala de Silva, Dayasiri Jayasekara, Mahinda Amaraweera, Wajira Abeywardena, Sagala Ratnayaka, Asanka Navarathne, Premnath Dolawatte, Sugeeshwara Bandara, and Karu Paranawithana. 

Although the Joint Opposition members had wanted to address the media soon after their meeting with the IMF, they were unable to do so since there was no suitable space outside the building for it. It was then decided to hold a news briefing at Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Colombo 7 office.

Sugeeshwara’s arrest

The meeting with the IMF and the incidents that followed are of interest given the arrest of Sugeeshwara Bandara that day.

The Joint Opposition seniors had assigned Bandara and Dolawatte to go to the Flower Road office and make the necessary arrangements to hold the news conference.

Bandara had got into one vehicle with Joint Opposition Media Coordinator Binoy Hettiarachchi while Dolawatte had got into another vehicle to make their way to the Flower Road office. Bandara’s vehicle had travelled first.

However, as soon the vehicle had turned to R.A. de Mel Mawatha from the Liberty roundabout, a Police jeep had crossed the vehicle and stopped it near a supermarket. Several Police officers had surrounded the vehicle and asked whether he was Sugeeshwara Bandara. As soon as Bandara had confirmed his identity, the Police officers had asked him to get down from the vehicle and come with them since he was being arrested on a warrant.

Police personnel had asked Hettiarachchi to come with them as well. Bandara had asked why Hettiarachchi was being taken since the warrant was only for his arrest and had also asked on what charges he was being arrested. The Police personnel had stated that the warrant had all the details and that he was being taken to the Narahenpita bureau.

Hettiarachchi’s mobile phone had started to ring and despite the Police asking him not to answer the phone, he had answered the call. It was from MP Dayasiri Jayasekara. Hettiarachchi had informed Jayasekara that he and Bandara had been arrested by the Police and were being taken to a bureau in Narahenpita. The Police had then taken away Hettiarachchi’s mobile phone.

Once at the Narahenpita bureau, the Police, it is learnt, had been very cordial with both Bandara and Hettiarachchi and had even provided them with some shorteats and coffee.

A few minutes later, Jayasekara along with many Opposition politicians had flocked to the Narahenpita office. Ven. Thiniyawala Palitha Thera had also arrived at the office.

While Hettiarachchi was released by the Police a few hours later, Bandara was presented before court and is now in remand till 1 July.

Planning Kurunegala meet

In Bandara’s absence, the Joint Opposition group met for its usual weekly meeting at G.L. Peiris’ residence.

At the outset of the meeting, everyone had discussed Bandara’s arrest and the action being taken by the legal team.

Afterwards, the discussion had turned towards the seminar – the next in an islandwide series – scheduled to be held in Kurunegala on 12 July. The Kurunegala seminar is being organised by former MP Asanka Navarathne with the support of Jayasekara.

Dilith’s Chinese friendship

Meanwhile, Sarvajana Balaya Leader, MP Dilith Jayaweera welcomed Chinese Ambassador to Sri Lanka Qi Zhenhong and his wife for a special event held at Angulugaha Maha Vidyalaya in Galle last Wednesday (24).

The Chinese Embassy had donated a number of valuable items to the school following a request by Jayaweera.

A notable aspect of the event was that Angulugaha is Jayaweera’s hometown and the school is also where his mother had served as a teacher.

It is also interesting to note the Ambassador’s remarks during the event where he had referred to the long-standing historical relations between Sri Lanka and China and the close bilateral friendship that has developed between the two countries.

Speaking at the event, Jayaweera had stated that his friendship with the Ambassador was highly valued and had further said that he would continue to dedicate himself to the development of the school, noting that he felt a strong personal bond with the people of the area.

Namal’s Krrish case

Meanwhile, the long-running Krrish transaction case involving SLPP MP Namal Rajapaksa has recorded another development, with the Colombo High Court directing that summons be issued to two Indian witnesses expected to testify in the proceedings.

High Court Judge Nadee Aparna Suwandurugoda had ordered that the summons be served through the procedure prescribed by the Judicial Service Commission for foreign witnesses after the CID had informed court that the two individuals could not be contacted through ordinary means.

The case, filed by the Attorney General, centres on allegations that Namal had committed criminal breach of trust by obtaining Rs. 70 million from the Indian Krrish company, purportedly for the promotion of rugby in Sri Lanka.

The latest order signals an effort to move the case forward as prosecutors seek to secure testimony from witnesses based outside Sri Lanka.

Focus on GR intensifies

Meanwhile, the Court of Appeal on Wednesday (24) fixed 6 July for the continuation of submissions in a petition filed by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) seeking an order preventing his arrest over investigations into the Easter Sunday terror attacks.

The petition was taken up before a bench comprising Court of Appeal President Justice Rohantha Abeysuriya and Justice Sarath Dissanayake.

During last week’s proceedings, President’s Counsel Romesh De Silva, appearing on behalf of GR, had made further submissions in support of the petition. At the conclusion of the hearing, the court had directed that the matter be called again on 6 July for the continuation of arguments.

However, allegations have also been reported against GR on the misuse of public funds to construct a memorial for his parents, with allegations that he had repeatedly evaded court appearances on more than 15 occasions between 2016 and 2019.

The alleged financial offence is said to have taken place during his tenure as Secretary to the Ministry of Defence, with a detailed account of the case being published in 2019 by the BBC Sinhala website.

Background to the case

A memorial museum dedicated to D.A. Rajapaksa, the father of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR), was opened on 6 November 2014 in Weeraketiya, marking the 47th death anniversary of D.A. Rajapaksa.

It is alleged that approximately Rs. 33.9 million belonging to the Land Reclamation and Development Corporation (LRDC), which was under the Ministry of Defence at the time, had been misappropriated for the construction of the museum. The Auditor General, in a special report issued on 6 February 2018, had described the construction process as “irregular,” citing violations of financial procedures and lack of proper authorisation.

Lawyers representing GR had rejected the allegations, arguing in court that the project had been carried out under a lawful agreement between the D.A. Rajapaksa Foundation and the relevant State institution, and therefore constituted a civil transaction rather than misuse of public funds.

Alongside GR, several officials were also named as co-accused in the case.

Probing assets

Meanwhile, investigations into the assets and liabilities of nearly 30 of the most powerful ministers and senior State officials from previous governments have been rapidly expedited by security and investigative authorities. Those now under strict scrutiny are individuals who held political and administrative power in Sri Lanka between 2020 and 2024.

Many complaints have been filed with investigative agencies regarding the alleged large-scale and criminal misuse of State funds, property, and allocations during the previous period. These case files, which had been progressing at a slow pace until now, are being fast-tracked under the current political environment. Some complex investigations are also being formally transferred from the CID to the CIABOC.

According to reliable sources, the prominent political figures who are to face expedited questioning and audits regarding how they acquired their assets include members of the Rajapaksa family and former ministers.

Not only politicians, but also senior officials who served in ministries, Government departments, State corporations, and statutory boards are included in these investigations, it is learnt.

In relation to numerous complaints, statements from these officials are also expected to be recorded in the coming days.