• Actively involve women at every stage of resettlement from planning to implementation
• Info about relocation/compensation/risks should be communicated transparently and shared equitably, and communication channels should ensure access to and understanding of resettlement plans
• Gender-sensitive policies should be implemented and women’s needs must be prioritised in all progs./plans 

At every stage of resettlement, from planning to implementation, women should be actively involved. Information about relocation, compensation, and risks should be communicated transparently and shared equitably, and communication channels should ensure women’s access to and understanding of resettlement plans. Gender-sensitive policies should be implemented and women’s needs must be prioritised in all programmes and plans to ensure their social security throughout the resettlement process.

These recommendations were made in an article on ‘Development-induced displacement and resettlement, women, and social security’ which was authored by J. Bandara  and published in the NISD's Journal of Social Sciences' Third Volume's Second Issue, in November of last year (2025).

Displacement largely disrupts and breaks down social life and social relationships, and it is also a factor that, to varying degrees, affects every aspect of people’s lives (B.R. Sorensen's ‘Relocated lives: Displacement and resettlement within the Mahaweli Project’). Policymakers identify three long-term solutions that can conclude the process of displacement: return to the place of origin or voluntary repatriation, relocation, and local integration (C. Brun's "Finding a place: Local integration and protracted displacement in Sri Lanka"). When a population is displaced, they must be restored to their previous condition, also known as reconstruction, and resettlement is one of the main strategies implemented for this purpose. Displacement and resettlement occur as a result of three main causes: resettlement due to natural disasters, development projects, and armed conflict (M.M. Cernea and C. McDowell's "Risks and reconstruction: Experiences of resettlers and refugees"). In Sri Lanka, three events concern displacement and resettlement: the tsunami of December 2004, large-scale infrastructure projects implemented over the past three decades, and the war between the Sri Lankan Government and the LTTE (K. Fernando and P. Fernando's ‘Forced to leave: Involuntary displacement and resettlement’).

Resettlement due to natural disasters refers to the process of relocating populations displaced by disasters such as tsunamis, floods, earthquakes, cyclones, landslides, and volcanic eruptions. In such cases, the displaced population must be resettled in safer areas. During the implementation of various development projects, large areas of inhabited land are often acquired, resulting in the displacement of the population in those areas. According to World Bank (WB) reports, over the past 20 years, worldwide, more than 250 million people have been displaced due to various development projects. The resettlement of people displaced by development projects has led to a series of related social, economic, political, and cultural transformations.

Another form of resettlement observed globally is that which occurs as a result of armed conflict. Armed conflict forces populations in the affected areas to leave, turning them into displaced persons. These people then need to be resettled in safer areas. According to WB reports, by the end of 2000, approximately 24.5 million people in 52 countries had been displaced due to armed conflict. H. Muggeridge and G. Dona's "Back home? Refugees' experiences of their first visit back to their country of origin" indicates that resettling displaced people back into their original villages after the end of armed conflict is often one of the most effective solutions. However, such resettlement is not always a straightforward process. It tends to be complex. This is due to the interconnected nature of resettlement with factors such as the redevelopment of the original villages, the re-establishment of communities, social reintegration, and reconciliation.

R. Muggah's "Relocation failures in Sri Lanka: A history of internal displacement and resettlement" defines resettlement as the planned and regulated movement of individuals from one location to another. Resettlement cannot be understood merely as a simple return to normalcy after an abnormal situation or as simply adapting to a new environment. It involves a reorganisation of the fundamental structure of the society, as well as a reshaping of the identity that emerges from new social patterns and cultural practices. Thus, resettlement is not just about moving people from one place to another; it is a more complex process that goes beyond that basic action. In every resettlement process, the expectation is to restore the displaced population to their previous condition, in other words, to reconstruct. This involves re-establishing their livelihoods, addressing their exposure to harmful conditions, and implementing fair and participatory processes. A resettlement process aims not only to ensure the well-being of the displaced community but also to ultimately integrate them as contributors to the country’s development.

Numerous practical problems often arise in connection with resettlement. M.M.J.G.C.N. Jayasiri, D.M.N. Diyawadana, S.M.L.D. Samarakoon, S. Pathmarajah and N.D.K. Dayawansa's "A gendered analysis on adaptation to resettlement stress: Case studies from the Deduru Oya Reservoir Project" and an Eritrean study (J. Bascom's "The long ‘last step’? Reintegration of repatriates") show that displacement and resettlement lead communities to face different types of economic problems. M.M. Cernea's "Involuntary resettlement in development projects: Policy guidelines in WB–financed projects" discusses the risk of impoverishment associated with displacement, noting that displacement and resettlement can result in eight major risks: the loss of land, employment, housing, and access to common property resources, marginalisation, increased vulnerability to diseases, food insecurity, and social disarticulation. Displacement and resettlement can adversely affect people’s health. This happens because resettlement often forces people to move to areas with different environmental conditions, disrupting the environmental context that they had been accustomed to for a long time, while also increasing insecurity (J. Manatunge and U. Abeysinghe's "Factors affecting the satisfaction of post-disaster resettlers in the long term: A case study on the resettlement sites of tsunami-affected communities in Sri Lanka" and an Ethiopian study [H. Kloos's "Health aspects of resettlement. Adugna settler migration in the 1984/1985 resettlement programme"]). Furthermore, M.T. Samarakoon's "Moragahakanda development Project: Localisation of development projects in rural areas and effects on communities", T. Scudder's "The future of large dams: Dealing with social, environmental, institutional, and political costs" and M.G. Manurathna's "Experiences of farming communities in the Dry Zone of Sri Lanka" indicate that displacement and resettlement have social impacts, affecting specific groups such as women, children, and the elderly, in different ways. Resettlement processes expose resettled communities to a range of social, economic, political, cultural, educational, and health-related challenges, and these challenges vary among different social groups.

Resettlement impacts different social groups in different ways. Factors such as the age structure, ethnicity, class disparities, and gender roles can influence these effects. M.G. Manuratne's "Changes in women's role in families in Mahaweli resettlements: A sociological study of System 'C'" shows that resettlement in Mahaweli settlements brought about significant changes in women’s roles. These changes included women having to perform dual responsibilities within the family, alterations in the traditional division of labour, the breakdown of neighbourly relations, and the loss of their participation in community organisations. All of these were adverse effects resulting from resettlement. In this context, resettlement has a strong influence on women’s social security. This is due to factors such as the need to adapt to a different environment, the insecurity of that environment, the breakdown of social networks, the separation from relatives, and the loss of employment opportunities, all of which lead to changes or disruptions in women’s social security.

Women’s social security is shaped within the social system itself, and therefore, it plays a strong role in ensuring women’s social existence. However, although the design of resettlement projects focuses on visible and tangible aspects, little attention is given to the various challenges and impacts on women’s social security after resettlement. In many cases, policies focus more on activities associated with men such as agriculture, land, and business while giving less consideration to the situations affecting women. Since women bear a large share of family responsibilities, the impact of resettlement on their social security can have a powerful influence on the entire household. 

Methodology

Communities face significant risks during displacement and resettlement, and socio-economic risks arise when people are resettled in new locations. Displacement exposes communities to eight major socio-economic risks: landlessness, joblessness, homelessness, marginalisation, food insecurity, morbidity, the loss of access to common property assets, and social disarticulation.

Impact of resettlement on women’s social security

Development is the intelligent utilisation of both a nation’s natural and mental resources to improve the living conditions of its people. Development can be understood as a qualitative transformation occurring across all sectors, or as qualitative changes within the economic and social systems. This transformation not only occurs in the economic, social, cultural, educational, and health sectors, but also in areas such as individual attitudes and mindsets. In other words, people’s thinking patterns and the way that they process ideas must also be elevated to higher levels. For example, even if a country has a high per capita income and literacy rate, if its suicide rate and the proportion of mental illness cases are high, that country is not considered to have achieved true development (S. Handaragama and S. Rasnayake's "Development of sociology").

The primary aim of development processes is to enhance people’s livelihoods in order to raise their living standards. Introducing new livelihood strategies to face the challenges of a growing population is a national necessity. This often requires the provision of essential infrastructure for agriculture and industry. For this purpose, various large-scale multipurpose development projects are implemented, which in turn give rise to development-induced displacement and resettlement. Frequently, resettlement affects communities in multiple ways, primarily due to the change in the environment that they have lived in for a long period and the need to adapt to a completely new environment. 

Social impacts

Displacement and resettlement are complex processes, and one of its primary areas of impact is the social sphere. Resettlement often leads to the breakdown of social structures that are central to women’s well-being and security. A major effect in this regard is the disruption or loss of social relationship networks and support systems. Women’s social security largely stems from the social environment in which they are embedded, and changes to this environment can undermine their sense of security. Moving away from a familiar physical and social setting that they have been accustomed to for years can significantly affect their social stability. Traditionally, social networks and support systems provide women with emotional support, assistance in child-rearing, and community roles that strengthen their position in the society. However, resettlement disrupts these systems, and rebuilding them in a new social environment can take considerable time (a Malaysian study [C.Y.O.L. Yong's "Gender impact of resettlement: The case of the Babagon Dam in Sabah"] and a Myanmar-based study [A. Wistbacka's "The gendered risks of resettlement: A case study from the Upper Paunglaung Dam"]).

K. Athukorala's "The dispossessed of development: An applied sociological analysis into unresolved issues related to new settlements" points out that resettlement can lead to indebtedness and dependency, the emergence of anti-government attitudes, increased suicide rates, land disputes and related conflicts, all of which are directly linked to women’s social security. Moreover, women may face social isolation after resettlement, the breakdown of traditional agricultural patterns, and intergenerational problems that can further threaten their social security.

A Chinese study (C. Kwai-cheong's "The Three Gorges Project: Resettlement prospects and problems") showed that resettlement led to increased unemployment, health issues, and social dissatisfaction, resulting in separation from social institutions and the breakdown of community relationships, which in turn created strong resistance to the resettlement process, with many people suffering from both unemployment and deep social discontent. Women also experience psychological stress due to fears about new settlement areas, the loss of attachment to their former homes, changes in religious practices, and the loss of inherited property. Resettlement affects women’s health as well as causing sanitation problems, nutritional issues, changes in traditional responsibilities, and an increase in women’s poverty levels. Being relocated to areas with different environmental conditions forces them to adjust after having been accustomed to a familiar environment for years and the insecurity that accompanies resettlement exacerbates these challenges.

Many rural communities undergoing resettlement have deep emotional and cultural ties to their land. Losing this land often equates to losing traditions, customs, and identity. Women who preserved traditional knowledge such as rituals, customs, and indigenous medicine are often unable to continue fulfilling these roles, contributing to cultural erosion. Traditional farming, healing practices, and ways of living have either disappeared, weakened, or become rare. This is due to the need to establish a new social structure and organisation in the new environment, where many cultural aspects change.

Traditional gender roles have shifted, and women’s roles in agriculture and community life have been altered, requiring adaptation to new social settings. After people disperse into new settlements, social events, cultural celebrations, and community cooperation diminish. Women play a special role in preserving culture, but, with the significant changes in social connections in resettlement areas, cultural celebrations and communal participation have declined, weakening cultural identities tied to land and local traditions. In this way, women must also face cultural impacts as a result of resettlement.