• This is a condensed version of an academic paper presented by the author at the 2025 Colombo Air Symposium, which is slated to be published later by the Sri Lanka Air Force

As I scan the strategic horizon of the Indo-Pacific region, I see both unprecedented challenges and extraordinary opportunities. Maritime threats multiply while space technology advances at breathtaking speed. Standing at this intersection of security concerns and technological possibility, I believe policy makers have a unique window to reshape regional dynamics through a bold partnership between the US and Sri Lanka – one centred on space capabilities and maritime domain awareness.

My research has convinced me that Sri Lanka, often called the ‘Pearl of the Indian Ocean’, represents far more than a picturesque island nation. Its geographic position – sitting precisely where critical sea lanes converge – makes it an invaluable strategic fulcrum. Nearly half of global container traffic passes through these waters, creating an imperative to secure them against threats ranging from piracy to illegal fishing.

What makes this moment particularly significant is the convergence of Sri Lanka’s location with revolutionary advances in commercial space technology. Companies like SpaceX have dramatically reduced the cost of space access while increasing capabilities. 

The democratisation of space presents a historic opportunity to establish Sri Lanka as both a maritime security hub and potentially a spaceport ideally positioned for reaching equatorial orbits.

Why Sri Lanka?

The question is not why Sri Lanka, but why we haven’t pursued this obvious partnership sooner. The island’s position between six and 10 degrees north of the equator gives it natural advantages for space launches that few other locations can match. 

Rockets launched near the equator benefit from earth’s rotational speed, reducing fuel requirements significantly. Sri Lanka’s eastern coastline offers direct access to open ocean, providing essential safety corridors for launches targeting both equatorial and polar orbits.

I am particularly struck by how Sri Lanka’s deep-water ports, stable climate through much of the year, and existing telecommunications infrastructure create a foundation upon which we could build truly transformative capabilities.

Beyond security: Economic renaissance

Though my core expertise is in security, I cannot ignore the profound economic shift this partnership could ignite in Sri Lanka. International technical collaboration yields enduring dividends. I see the potential for thousands of high-skilled jobs in aerospace engineering, computer science, and advanced technical trades. A spaceport would serve as a magnet for global aerospace firms and research institutions, positioning Sri Lanka squarely within the orbit of the space economy.

Such a facility could fund development across the island—a model I have seen succeed elsewhere. As a child, I was struck by the Victoria Dam project, completed in 1985 with British support. Nearly four decades later, it still powers homes and waters the highlands. The lesson is simple: well-executed infrastructure endures.

Sri Lanka could never have built the Victoria Dam alone. Most of the funding came as a British grant. The same principle applies here. I propose the United States Space Force and SpaceX provide primary funding and technical expertise. In return, Sri Lanka offers strategic access to the spaceport—a fair trade, and one with lasting mutual benefit.

In addition to the US, Sri Lanka could seek partnerships with countries such as Japan, India, Israel, South Korea, Australia, and New Zealand – nations located farther from the equator. These countries might be interested in investing in the project in return for usage rights to a strategically located equatorial launch site. 

Through such international collaboration, Sri Lanka could realise this ambitious project while ensuring shared benefits and long-term partnerships.

A Framework for implementation

Based on my analysis, I propose a trilateral framework involving the US Space Force, commercial partners like SpaceX, and Sri Lanka’s Government and defence establishment. This would begin with the formation of a Joint Coordination Committee comprising representatives from all stakeholders to provide strategic oversight.

The initial phase would focus on deploying satellite-based maritime surveillance systems to enhance Sri Lanka’s capacity to monitor its territorial waters and exclusive economic zone. Specialised training would ensure Sri Lankan forces can effectively utilise the advanced capabilities while joint exercises with the US Navy and Coast Guard would refine surveillance techniques.

Simultaneously, we should conduct comprehensive feasibility studies for the spaceport concept including site selection, environmental impact assessments, and infrastructure requirements. The phased approach I have outlined would allow for careful planning and sustainable development over a five-year horizon.

Env. protection and disaster response

Having witnessed firsthand the devastating impact of the 2004 tsunami on Sri Lanka’s coastal communities, I am particularly committed to the environmental monitoring and disaster management components of this proposal. Space-based sensors can track ocean health, monitor climate patterns, and enable early warning systems for natural disasters.

These capabilities would not only save lives, but also support Sri Lanka’s blue economy aspirations by enabling sustainable fisheries management and facilitating marine renewable energy projects. The space-based tools we deploy must serve both security objectives and environmental stewardship.

Addressing the critics

I anticipate skepticism about this proposal, particularly concerns regarding militarisation and sovereignty. Let me address these directly: this partnership is fundamentally about preserving independence and enhancing capabilities, not imposing external control.

The reality is that power abhors a vacuum. If independent nations do not establish a robust presence in space and maritime domains, these realms will inevitably fall under the influence of actors who may not share our commitment to regional prosperity and sovereignty. The question is not whether these domains will be used for strategic advantage, but whether they will be governed by principles of mutual benefit.

A call for action

The window for establishing this partnership is not indefinite. As great power competition intensifies across the Indo-Pacific, the opportunity to shape regional security architecture through collaborative frameworks may diminish. The time for action is now.

I believe this initiative represents more than just a series of technical collaborations – it embodies a vision for how emerging space capabilities can be leveraged to advance both security and prosperity. By positioning Sri Lanka as a crucial node in the Indo-Pacific space infrastructure network, we create a model for sustainable development that enhances regional stability while respecting national sovereignty.

I am convinced that the convergence of Sri Lanka’s strategic position with American space capabilities offers an unparalleled opportunity to transform regional security architecture. For both nations, this partnership represents not just strategic foresight, but an imperative for securing our shared future in the Indo-Pacific century.

Sri Lanka has long been a maritime nation, but to remain relevant in the twenty-first century, it must now turn its gaze to space as the next frontier. As global interest in space mining, colonisation, and defence grows, the very concept of ‘development’ is undergoing a transformation.

By acting decisively, Sri Lanka can establish itself as a leading space hub, securing not only economic prosperity but also technological sovereignty and regional influence.

Space is the future. Sri Lanka must seize its rightful place in it. However, I firmly believe that any agreement Sri Lanka enters into with a foreign nation must safeguard the island’s sovereignty above all else. 

Sri Lanka cannot repeat the mistakes of the past. Sri Lanka should never again sign lopsided deals resembling the 99-year lease signed for such as Kankesanthurai – agreements that compromise long-term control for short-term relief.

(The author is an Adjunct Assistant Professor, University of Alabama at Birmingham & Troy University, and also is an Indo-Pacific affairs specialist. The author is also the assistant editor in chief of the Journal of Indo-Pacific Affairs)

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The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect those of this publication