Despite facing a series of domestic and international challenges, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) administration have overseen a notable improvement in economic performance during the first quarter of 2026.

The country’s economy expanded by 5.1% in the first quarter of 2026, up from 4.8% recorded during the same period in 2025, according to official figures. This represents the strongest first-quarter economic growth recorded since 2021.

The performance comes at a time when the Government has been navigating a difficult operating environment. The country was still grappling with the aftermath of the devastating Cyclone Ditwah, which struck the country in late November last year and caused widespread disruption to livelihoods, agriculture, and infrastructure. At the same time, growing geopolitical tensions between Iran and the United States, which intensified in late February, have continued to create uncertainty in global markets and pose risks to energy prices and trade flows.

Against this backdrop, the latest growth figures provide a measure of economic resilience and suggest that the recovery momentum that began after the economic crisis has been sustained under the current administration.

While the first-quarter performance is encouraging, it falls slightly short of the 5.4% growth rate recorded in the third quarter of 2025, highlighting the continuing challenges facing the economy. Nevertheless, the latest figures indicate that growth has remained broad-based rather than being driven by a single sector.

The agriculture sector, which remains crucial to rural livelihoods and food security, recorded a growth rate of 1.1%. The industrial sector emerged as the strongest contributor, expanding by 7.2%, reflecting increased activity in manufacturing and related industries. Meanwhile, the services sector, which accounts for a significant share of national output, grew by 3.4%.

From a political perspective, the figures offer the Government an opportunity to strengthen its argument that economic stability and recovery are taking root despite a challenging global and domestic environment. However, sustaining growth will require translating macroeconomic gains into visible improvements in employment, household incomes, and living standards, areas where public expectations remain high.

RW’s warning

Meanwhile, former President Ranil Wickremesinghe has launched a broad attack on the Government, warning that the country is heading towards both economic and political instability while calling for greater unity among Opposition forces.

Addressing the United National Party (UNP) Working Committee recently, Wickremesinghe has claimed that the Government was under pressure on multiple fronts, citing what he described as a weakening economy and growing concerns over human rights and democratic freedoms.

He has argued that early signs of an economic downturn are already visible and predicted that the country could face a more serious economic crisis in the period ahead if corrective measures are not taken.

The former President has also alleged that the Government is increasingly coming into conflict with key segments of society, including retired military personnel and sections of the Buddhist clergy, while further claiming that State interference in religious and civic institutions could become a contentious political issue in the coming months.

Against this backdrop, the former President has stressed the need for Opposition parties to build a broader political alliance capable of presenting a united challenge to the Government. While welcoming recent efforts to form a joint Opposition platform, he said discussions were continuing with other political groups to further expand the coalition.

Fuel subsidy to end

Meanwhile, the Government’s fuel subsidy programme is likely to end after June, according to disclosures made before the parliamentary Committee on Public Finance (COPF), raising questions about the potential impact on fuel prices and the cost of living.

Officials from the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) told the committee that the Treasury provided a subsidy of Rs. 100 per litre of diesel and Rs. 20 per litre of petrol at present. The scheme, introduced on 1 April, costs the Government an estimated Rs. 57 billion.

Treasury Deputy Secretary A.K. Seneviratne has said that no decision has been taken yet to extend the subsidy beyond this month.

COPF Chairman Harsha de Silva has warned that any increase in fuel prices could push up production and transport costs, ultimately affecting consumer prices. He suggested that future assistance, if necessary, should be provided through the Aswesuma welfare programme rather than through a blanket fuel subsidy.

The discussion highlights the policy dilemma facing the Government – balancing fiscal discipline with the need to shield households and businesses from rising energy costs.

Another coal controversy

Just as the Government seeks to project stability and economic recovery, questions are once again being raised about the country’s energy security and procurement practices.

The Free Lawyers organisation has alleged serious irregularities in the importation of coal for the Lakvijaya Power Plant in Norochcholai, claiming that substandard shipments were procured under emergency procedures and that political influence played a role in key decisions.

The departure of the Ana Ocean vessel without unloading its cargo, following concerns over coal quality, has added to the controversy. Another vessel, the Yasa Sun, remains anchored without a final decision on whether its cargo will be accepted, while allegations persist over the unloading of coal from the MV Josco Yongzhou despite claims that it had failed to meet required standards, according to Free Lawyers.

More troubling are warnings that delays in shipments and payments to suppliers could leave the country facing a coal shortage by September. If coal stocks run low, authorities may have little choice but to rely on significantly more expensive diesel-powered generation, increasing costs at a time when public finances remain under pressure.

Whether the allegations ultimately prove true or not, the episode highlights a recurring challenge in governance and the connections in procurement, politics, and public accountability. For a Government elected on promises of transparency and clean administration, the handling of the coal issue may become an important test of its commitment to reform.

Tariff pressure and labour reforms

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka is moving to tighten Customs screening and strengthen labour protections as it seeks to avoid proposed US tariffs that could affect its crucial export sector.

Deputy Minister of Finance and Planning Anil Jayantha Fernando has told Reuters that while Sri Lanka already has strong labour laws, the Government will introduce additional measures to address concerns over forced and child labour. These include enhanced Customs checks on imported goods and the implementation of the International Labour Organization’s Convention 190, which guarantees the right to a workplace free from violence and harassment.

The reforms come as Washington considers imposing a 12.5% tariff on Sri Lankan exports – higher than the 10% proposed for competitors Bangladesh and Pakistan – over concerns about forced labour enforcement.

With the US accounting for roughly $ 3 billion in Sri Lankan exports annually, mostly apparel, the tariff threat has added urgency to Colombo’s efforts to align with international labour standards. The apparel sector employs around 300,000 people and remains one of the country’s most important sources of export earnings.

Talks with the Office of the US Trade Representative are continuing, although Sri Lanka has yet to decide whether to send an official delegation to Washington.

International scrutiny returns

While the JVP/NPP Government is engaged in mitigating any additional trade tariffs by the US, the arrival of a four-member delegation from the United Nations (UN) Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture this past week placed Sri Lanka’s human rights commitments back under international scrutiny. The delegation’s visit, which runs until Wednesday (24), comes at a particularly sensitive moment, with renewed debate over detention practices, accountability, and the treatment of individuals held under national security laws.

Sri Lanka became a party to the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture (OPCAT) in December 2017, paving the way for independent international monitoring of places of detention. The subcommittee’s first visit took place in 2019, while the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka (HRCSL) was subsequently designated as the country’s National Preventive Mechanism under the treaty.

During meetings with the delegation, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath has reiterated the Government’s commitment to upholding its obligations under the Convention against Torture. The assurance comes at a time when public attention is focused on allegations surrounding the treatment of former Director of the State Intelligence Service (SIS) Suresh Sallay, who is currently being detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). The controversy has reignited wider concerns about safeguards for detainees and the need for transparency in the handling of national security-related cases.

The visit also coincides with ongoing investigations into past allegations of unlawful detention and abuse, including renewed attention on the alleged secret detention facility known as ‘Gun Site’ within the Trincomalee Naval Base. Against this backdrop, the UN delegation’s presence will be closely watched as a test of the Government’s willingness to subject its detention practices to independent scrutiny.

For the Government, the challenge will be to demonstrate that its commitments to human rights and institutional reform are reflected not only in policy statements but also in practice.

CID seals ‘Gun Site’

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) meanwhile has taken steps to seal the underground detention complex known as ‘Gun Site’ within the Trincomalee Naval Base, following allegations that the facility was used for a range of serious criminal activities, including unlawful detention, torture, and extortion.

The development comes after extensive investigations had reportedly uncovered evidence suggesting that nearly 60 individuals had been secretly held at the site over a period of time. Investigators have alleged that detainees were subjected to torture and that ransom payments had been demanded from families in exchange for their release.

A magistrate from Trincomalee was scheduled to conduct an official inspection of the location on Thursday (18) as part of the ongoing judicial proceedings. The alleged detention facility has already drawn national attention in connection with the long-running case concerning the abduction and disappearance of 11 youths. However, investigators now say evidence points to the involvement of the site in several other disappearances and detention-related crimes.

Among the cases linked to the facility is that of one Shantha, a resident of Kegalle, whose case is currently being heard before the Polgahawela Magistrate’s Court. Investigations into the disappearance of two Tamil youths in Colombo have also been reported to Colombo Magistrate’s Court No. 3.

The Police has further stated that cases involving the disappearance of one Pradeep, a resident of Ibbagamuwa, as well as two young women from Trincomalee, have likewise been presented before the courts as investigations continue.

In a significant development, authorities have revealed that former detainees and individuals allegedly involved in the operation of the facility have come forward to provide confidential statements before the Magistrate. These testimonies are expected to play a crucial role in establishing the extent of the activities that allegedly took place within the secret detention complex.

The investigation remains ongoing, with law enforcement authorities continuing efforts to uncover the full scope of the alleged abuses and identify all those responsible.

The common candidates’ race

Amidst these ongoing developments, a major social media campaign appears to be gathering momentum around several Opposition political figures who are being discussed as possible common candidates for the 2029 Presidential Election.

Among the names frequently mentioned in these discussions are Patali Champika Ranawaka, Harsha de Silva, G.L. Peiris, Wimal Weerawansa, Dilith Jayaweera, Namal Rajapaksa, and Dayasiri Jayasekara. Of these figures, Ranawaka appears to have already begun actively engaging in political outreach, participating in discussions, media briefings, and conferences that some observers view as part of an early campaign effort.

Similarly, Peiris has been hosting media briefings and political discussions at his residence, attracting attention from political circles. Meanwhile, Jayaweera and Weerawansa have both publicly indicated that they are considering entering the next presidential race and are prepared to contest as common Opposition candidates if circumstances permit.

Some social media reports have also claimed that former President Wickremesinghe has decided to hand over the leadership of the UNP to Harsha de Silva. According to these reports, the move could pave the way for de Silva to be presented as a common Opposition candidate. However, these claims remain unconfirmed.

Despite the growing speculation surrounding a potential common Opposition candidate, information available to ‘The Black Box’ suggests that the 2029 Presidential Election is more likely to resemble the three-cornered contest seen in 2024.

Under such a scenario, President AKD would contest again representing the JVP/NPP, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa would contest on behalf of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), and Namal Rajapaksa would contest as the candidate of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP).

At present, however, no major political party has officially announced its candidate for the 2029 Presidential Election, and much of the discussion remains in the realm of political speculation and social media commentary.

Namal’s true colours

Although many people say that Namal Rajapaksa has developed a certain level of political maturity after being appointed as the National Organiser of the SLPP, events that have taken place over the past few weeks suggest that he may still be the same as before. 

This is because it appears that Namal has been politically misled by someone who seems to have claimed that the SLPP can attract senior figures from the SJB. However, this has turned into a political boomerang for the SLPP, as several incidents have backfired within a span of a few days, causing both the party and Namal to face political embarrassment.

The first incident occurred about a few weeks ago at an SLPP rally held in Panadura. A major show was staged where a person was presented on stage, introduced as someone who had contested the Parliamentary Elections from the SJB and obtained 27,000 votes. However, it later emerged that the individual in question was someone who had contested last year’s Local Government Elections together with his mother and had only secured around 23 votes. Eventually, not only the SJB member involved but also SLPP leaders were forced to publicly apologise over the incident. This was seen as causing significant political damage to the SLPP.

Despite this, the SLPP organised another similar ‘show’ the following week. In this instance, a young man was brought to the party office and presented as the SJB Organiser for the Balangoda electorate and arrangements were made for Namal himself to appoint him to an organiser post in the SLPP. However, SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara later held a press briefing stating that the individual was not the SJB Organiser for Balangoda and was in fact someone who had even been expelled from the party after disciplinary action due to his inability to properly prepare nomination lists for the Local Government Elections. Madduma Bandara further said that he had to personally travel to Ratnapura to prepare revised nomination lists.

What the SLPP has failed to understand is that from its 50% vote base, the JVP/NPP, which had only 3%, managed to win State power by capturing a significant share of votes, reducing the SLPP to a vote base of 2.5%. Therefore, the votes they lost need to be regained from the JVP/NPP rather than from the SJB.

On the other hand, Basil Rajapaksa, regarded as the theoretician of the SLPP, never engaged in such political manoeuvres that could easily backfire. Within three years of forming the SLPP, Basil led the party to victory in three national elections, turning it into a winning political force through long-term strategic planning. However, with Basil now having withdrawn from active politics, the SLPP appears to be engaging in more superficial and poorly planned political tactics.

SLFP’s shock

Meanwhile, a photograph posted in the media last week has reportedly shaken not only the SLPP but also the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). This was following the publication of an image showing Anura Priyadarshana Yapa of the SLFP together with Namal Rajapaksa.

Yapa initially entered politics through the SLFP, but later joined the SLPP and engaged in politics, before once again returning to the SLFP and taking the lead in the People’s Alliance. Subsequently, he was also seen aligning with former President Wickremesinghe. Later, he became the leader of a political movement that was being formed by Milinda Moragoda supported by SLPP dissident Nimal Lanza. However, he later withdrew from that as well and once again rejoined the SLFP.

The article has suggested that Yapa, who has engaged in politics by shifting between different camps, was seen in a photograph published in the media recently, where he appeared to be in discussion with Namal and representatives of the SLPP, along with the former Indian Deputy High Commissioner in Sri Lanka.

With this photograph, it appeared as though Yapa had once again aligned himself with the SLPP. However, following the publication of this photograph, the SLFP has reportedly been surprised, as it appears that Yapa may once again have quietly moved over to the SLPP without prior notice.

EC submits four proposals

While the race for the next common candidate continues to gather momentum, the latest attempt to restart the process of holding the long-delayed Provincial Council (PC) Elections has taken a new twist, with the Election Commission (EC) submitting a report outlining possible electoral models to the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) appointed to examine the issue.

The Election Commission has noted that four options have been identified for conducting the elections, reflecting years of political disagreement over electoral reforms and constituency boundaries.

The PSC is now reviewing a set of options submitted by the Election Commission, ranging from a return to the old electoral system to new hybrid models that incorporate women’s and youth representation, or a fresh framework based on updated delimitation reports. On paper, the options look comprehensive, but in practice, it reflects a reform process that has been stuck for years in procedural uncertainty.

Provincial Councils have remained without elected representatives since their terms expired between 2017 and 2019, leaving a significant gap in subnational governance. Successive governments have acknowledged the democratic deficit but have been unable to reconcile competing political interests around how elections should be conducted.

At the heart of the impasse is delimitation. The shift towards a mixed electoral system was meant to modernise representation, but boundary disputes and disagreements over implementation stalled the process. What began as a technical reform quickly became a political fault line and has remained so.

The current four-option framework is therefore less a breakthrough than a repackaging of unresolved choices, with each option carrying its own political risks: returning to the old system may be seen as regression, while adopting new models without consensus risks repeating earlier delays.

Joint Opposition in Kandy

Meanwhile, senior members of the Joint Opposition group convened by former Minister G.L. Peiris were in Kandy on 13 and 14 June. The Opposition leaders were in Kandy to attend the group’s ongoing anti-Government seminars that are being held islandwide.

While the Kandy seminar was scheduled for 14 June, the Opposition leaders arrived in Kandy the previous day to pay their respects to the Asgiri and Malwathu Mahanayakas. Peiris and his team – Nimal Siripala de Silva, Chamara Sampath Dasanayake, Patali Champika Ranawaka, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, Wajira Abeywardena, Sagala Ratnayaka, Anuradha Jayaratne, Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, Premnath Dolawatte, Sugeeshwara Bandara, and several others – paid their respects to the Mahanayakas and engaged in a discussion on the current political situation and issues faced by the country.

After the meeting with the Mahanayakas, the Opposition politicians had visited Jayaratne’s residence in Kandy to discuss the event to be held the following day. Jayaratne had organised lunch and drinks for the group. It is learnt that the Opposition group discussion had continued into the evening.

The seminar on 14 June had been well attended by members of Opposition parties in Kandy. The event was addressed by Rajapakshe, Ranawaka, Dayasiri Jayasekara, and Dasanayake. Once the seminar concluded, the Opposition party leaders had made their way to the Devon Hotel in Kandy for lunch. Jayasekara had not attended the lunch and had left soon after the seminar, stating that he had to attend a funeral in Colombo.

Peiris, Bandara, and Alagiyawanna, however, had also left soon after their lunch saying they wanted to meet with several Opposition members in Kurunegala to discuss the next seminar of the Joint Opposition group that is to be held in the Kurunegala District.

Meeting in Kurunegala

Opposition MP Jayasekara had not attended the meeting that was held in Kurunegala by a group of Joint Opposition group members. The seminar in Kurunegala is being organised by former MP Asanka Navarathne with the assistance of Jayasekara, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam, and Shamal Senarath.

When the group of Joint Opposition leaders had arrived in Kurunegala for the meeting with the organisers of the seminar in the district, Jayasekara had informed that he was unable to attend the meeting that day, but that he would provide the necessary assistance for the event. Jayasekara, however, had sent one of his secretaries to the meeting.

It is learnt that many organisers of Opposition parties in the Kurunegala District had attended the planning meeting. 

Towards the end of the meeting, former Mayor of Kurunegala Thushara Sanjeewa had also arrived, and once the discussion had concluded, he had invited everyone for refreshments at the Green Valley Resort.

Gearing up for Sunday

Once the meeting in Kurunegala concluded and the Joint Opposition leaders returned to Colombo from Kandy and Kurunegala, the group convened last Monday (15) evening at Peiris’s residence in Colombo 5.

During the meeting, the Joint Opposition leaders had held a postmortem of the seminars that had been held in several districts thus far. All those at the meeting have noted that the events have been successful due to the list of strong speakers including Ranawaka, Jayasekara, Dasanayake, and others.

General Secretary of Ranawaka’s party, Bandula Chandrasekara, had then noted that arrangements had been made for another seminar in Boralesgamuwa on Sunday (21).

Sugeeshwara’s arrest

While the Joint Opposition group was engaged in preparations for the seminar on Sunday and the next district-wide seminar in Kurunegala, Sugeeshwara Bandara, who served as the key coordinator in organising the series of seminars, was arrested on Thursday (18). 

Bandara also served as former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s (GR) Private Secretary when the latter was President.

Bandara was remanded until 1 July after being arrested under the Public Property Act over the alleged misuse of Government funds allocated through the presidential Budget vote. The order was issued by Colombo Fort Magistrate Pasan Amarasena, marking another legal development linked to the management of State funds during the previous administration.

Ravi slams UNP

Meanwhile, at a media briefing in Colombo, Opposition MP Ravi Karunanayake claimed that the current Working Committee of the UNP had been infiltrated by the “sons of a phantom”.

Karunanayake alleged that these individuals had entered the party’s top decision-making body while long-serving senior UNP members had been sidelined. He has continuously charged that these two “phantoms” in the UNP are allegedly manipulating the party leadership and accused them of preventing the UNP from forming an alliance with the SJB.

He also said that both the UNP and the SJB must unite immediately if their leaders and members were to secure their political futures.

Despite current differences, Karunanayake expressed confidence that the two parties would soon come together under a common front, even under the existing leadership, enabling them to move forward as a formidable political force.

Sagala meets UNPers

Meanwhile, Sagala Ratnayaka, during his visit to Kandy last weekend, had held a meeting with a group of UNP organisers from the Kandy District as well as several organisers from the Nuwara Eliya District. The meeting, it is learnt, had been organised by Kandy UNP Organiser Shanthini Kongahage.

It is also learnt that UNP Chairman Wajira Abeywardena, who had also visited Kandy to attend the Joint Opposition seminar, had not been present at this meeting.

During this meeting, several organisers had informed Ratnayaka that senior UNP member Navin Dissanayake had discouraged UNP organisers and members in Kandy from attending the Joint Opposition seminar.

Dissanayake has been openly supportive of an alliance between the UNP and SJB while not pushing for the UNP’s alignment with the Joint Opposition.

The UNP leadership had even commented on a recent statement by Dissanayake that Sajith Premadasa’s body and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s head would make the ideal leadership that could win the next election. Seeing Dissanayake at the recent UNP Working Committee meeting, Wickremesinghe had turned to Dissanayake and said: “I have a good head and after the heart surgery, I have a strong body as well.” While everyone at the meeting had laughed at Wickremesinghe’s statement, Dissanayake had understood that the comment was also a hit at his push for a UNP-SJB alliance.

Dismissing alliance

It is further learnt that Wickremesinghe has expressed his displeasure at what he had claimed as the SJB leadership’s disinterest in forming an alliance with the UNP. According to the UNP leadership, the SJB leadership does not seem keen on forming an alliance.

However, Wickremesinghe had told several confidants that Premadasa could take his time and that the UNP would not push for the alliance anymore. “He (Premadasa) can wait; key SJB members will leave the party and join the UNP at the right time,” he had added.

UNP questions CID

The UNP, meanwhile, has questioned the decision to dispatch a five-member team from the CID to London to investigate former President Wickremesinghe’s visit to attend his wife’s convocation ceremony at the University of Wolverhampton.

In a statement, the UNP argued that the investigation could have been conducted from Sri Lanka through established international legal mechanisms rather than incurring the expense of sending investigators overseas.

“The required evidence could have been obtained through Mutual Legal Assistance (MLA), a widely accepted process that enables countries to cooperate in criminal investigations and prosecutions. Through MLA, authorities can formally request foreign governments to gather evidence, obtain witness statements, conduct searches, or freeze assets when necessary,” the statement said.

The party also questioned the costs associated with the CID delegation’s visit, noting that details of the expenditure had not been disclosed yet.

The UNP further said that it remained unclear why the CID had raised concerns about the alleged costs of transport facilities provided to Wickremesinghe and his delegation by the Sri Lankan High Commission in the United Kingdom, particularly if such arrangements had been made by the British authorities.

The statement also challenged allegations that Rs. 16 million had been spent on the trip, pointing out that it was standard practice for the State to cover the expenses of a former president’s personal secretary, security personnel, and personal physician during official travel.

Maithri’s ‘opposition’

Amidst the ongoing political developments, former President Maithripala Sirisena seems to be enjoying the benefits of retirement.

Sirisena had recently attended an art exhibition at the Lionel Wendt Gallery. Opposition politicians Dilith Jayaweera, Lasantha Alagiyawanna, and Suren Raghavan had also attended the exhibition. While he was walking around admiring the paintings on display, one particular painting had captured Sirisena’s attention. He had stood before the painting and had looked at it with a smile and then laughed. The painting had been of two birds.

Seeing a laughing Sirisena, Alagiyawanna had approached the former President and asked whether the painting had reminded him of something special. Sirisena had said that he was amazed by the details of the painting.

Alagiyawanna had agreed with Sirisena and asked why the former President was laughing. Sirisena had said that the painting had reminded him of the Opposition. “If I was asked to name the painting, I would call it ‘The Opposition,’” he had said.

Alagiyawanna had then had another look at the painting and had also started to laugh. 

It is learnt that the two birds in the painting, while being of the same variety, were captured in the same frame, but were looking away from each other. 

Jayaweera had also joined Sirisena and Alagiyawanna and after hearing Sirisena’s explanation, Jayaweera had also looked at ‘The Opposition’ while laughing.

Archchuna’s shifting alignments

Meanwhile, an interesting political development was witnessed when Jaffna District MP Ramanathan Archchuna attended the ‘Mehewaraka Pranamaya’ event in Kalutara, organised by MP Rohitha Abeygunawardhana, who is a dissident SLPPer.

Archchuna has made a series of strong political remarks that reflect both growing disillusionment within sections of the Opposition space and an increasingly polarised national discourse. During his address, he had claimed that segments of the Tamil diaspora, whom he alleged had previously supported the Government, would no longer extend financial backing or political support to return it to power. The remarks, made without substantiating evidence, underline the continuing sensitivity surrounding diaspora politics and its perceived influence on domestic political alignments.

The MP had used the platform to launch a broader critique of the current administration, arguing that the Government had failed to deliver meaningful development to either Sinhala or Tamil communities since taking office.

Archchuna had also drawn attention for his pointed praise of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR), stating that he holds the former leader in the highest regard for his contribution to the country. In an even more striking assertion, the MP had said that he did not recognise anyone as President of Sri Lanka other than MR.

While acknowledging that he had supported President AKD in the past, Archchuna had said he now believed the country had been misled, adding that both he and the wider public were “suffering” as a result of that decision.

CID probes six individuals

Meanwhile, the CID informed the Colombo Fort Magistrate’s Court on Monday (15) that it had commenced an investigation into six individuals, including former Ministers Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila and sitting MP Dilith Jayaweera, over allegations of contempt of court.

CID officers had told the court that the inquiry related to statements made through electronic media which had allegedly interfered with ongoing investigations concerning former Chief of the SIS, Major General (Retd) Suresh Sallay, and were considered prejudicial to judicial proceedings.

The investigation also includes former MP Asanka Navarathne, Sugeeshwara Bandara, and Mahinda Pathirana. The CID requested the court to issue notices directing the six individuals to appear before the Magistrate’s Court on 1 July in connection with the investigation.

However, the Magistrate declined the request, observing that proceedings under the Contempt of a Court, Tribunal, or Institution Act No.8 of 2024 fell within the jurisdiction of the Court of Appeal and could not be entertained by the Magistrate’s Court. Accordingly, the court ruled that issuing notices to the individuals concerned was not necessary.

Probing Sallay’s complaint

The HRCSL meanwhile has held proceedings on Tuesday (16) into a complaint filed by Manori Sallay, the wife of former Intelligence Chief Major General Sallay, who is currently detained under the PTA in relation to the ongoing investigation into the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks.

Officials from the CID, who had previously failed to appear before the commission on earlier occasions, were summoned to appear before the HRCSL at 2 p.m. last Tuesday. During the inquiry, several key facts were reportedly revealed regarding the legal and humanitarian procedures allegedly followed in relation to Sallay’s detention.

In response to questions raised by the commission regarding allegations that Sallay was subjected to inhuman or degrading treatment, the Officer-in-Charge (OIC) of the CID had made a significant legal development by admitting a key fact for the first time before the HRCSL.

Accordingly, the OIC had reportedly officially acknowledged that on 8 March, inside the premises of the CID, Maj. Gen. Sallay had been subjected to a special search in the presence of other detainees. Following this admission, the HRCSL had reportedly intensified its inquiry and issued several urgent directives to the CID to examine the legality and procedural compliance of the actions carried out on that day.

According to reports, the Police had been instructed to submit the Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) relating to the search of suspects, along with official records indicating the dates on which such searches were conducted during the year. The names of officers directly involved in conducting the search on Sallay in the presence of other detainees on 8 March must be submitted to the commission. To preserve evidence regarding the alleged violations, CCTV footage from the CID premises covering the relevant dates must be handed over to the commission immediately.

In addition, the commission had questioned whether the mandatory legal procedures required under the PTA had been properly followed in relation to the detention. Accordingly, Police officers were instructed to submit, in writing, the exact dates on which the detention order was issued and when the relevant Magistrate’s Court and the HRCSL were officially notified.

GR’s anticipatory bail

Meanwhile, former President GR has filed a writ petition before the Court of Appeal seeking an order restraining the CID from arresting him in connection with investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks.

The petition names Priyantha Weerasooriya, CID Director Shani Abeysekara, and several others as respondents. The writ application was filed through Attorney-at-Law Sanath Wijewardane.

The Court of Appeal on Wednesday (17) ordered that the petition filed by GR, seeking to prevent his arrest in connection with investigations into the Easter Sunday terrorist attacks, be taken up for consideration on Thursday (18).

The petition was initially called before a bench comprising Court of Appeal President, Justice Rohantha Abeysuriya and Justice Priyantha Fernando.

During the proceedings, Deputy Solicitor General Suharshie Herath, appearing for the respondents, had informed the court that the relevant documents had been received only that morning and that no instructions had been received from the respondents yet regarding the petition. She had further stated that, in the absence of such instructions, she was unable to provide an undertaking that the petitioner would not be arrested pending the hearing of the case.

President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva, appearing for GR, had requested the court to issue an interim order preventing the arrest of his client until the matter was heard. Meanwhile, Justice Fernando had informed the court that he would recuse himself from hearing the case due to personal reasons.

Subsequently, Court of Appeal President, Justice Abeysuriya had directed that the petition be called the following day, Thursday (18), for the verification of facts. Accordingly, the matter was scheduled to be taken up before a fresh bench comprising Justice Abeysuriya and Justice Sarath Dissanayake.

The Court of Appeal on Thursday ordered that further consideration of the petition be postponed until Wednesday (24).

Focus on access to FBI files

With regard to the ongoing Easter Sunday attacks probe, the UNP, meanwhile, has reopened a sensitive chapter, questioning whether the Government has formally sought access to material held by US authorities linked to the investigation.

In a statement, the party pointed to then Prime Minister Wickremesinghe’s immediate post-attack request for international assistance, including a call during a conversation with US President Donald Trump in April 2019, citing limited domestic investigative capacity at the time.

Following that request, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) had carried out a parallel investigation in coordination with Sri Lankan agencies, including the CID, Military Intelligence, and the SIS. The UNP noted that the FBI had later submitted findings to Sri Lankan authorities, which were reportedly accepted by relevant institutions.

The party also drew attention to a 71-page affidavit filed in a US court in 2020 by FBI Special Agent Merrilee R. Goodwin, as part of a wider prosecution process in the United States involving individuals already detained in Sri Lanka.

According to the UNP, key investigative materials from the US probe remain with the FBI and the US Department of Justice. It has therefore raised the question of whether Sri Lankan authorities have formally requested access to these documents since reopening or continuing domestic investigations.

The party argues that securing such material is essential for judicial proceedings in Sri Lanka, particularly in ensuring that all available evidence is considered in one of the country’s most significant terror-related investigations.

CIABOC probes Yoshitha

Meanwhile, Yoshitha Rajapaksa, son of former President MR, was arrested by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) after appearing before the commission on Wednesday morning.

Yoshitha had reported to the CIABOC in response to a notice issued in connection with an ongoing investigation into matters relating to his association with the Sri Lanka Navy and the British naval academy.

Following questioning, CIABOC officials placed him under arrest and he was later released on bail by courts.

Court gets tough on Basil

Colombo Fort Magistrate Pasan Amarasena meanwhile on Wednesday (17) had directed the Illegal Assets Investigation Division of the CID to arrest former Minister of Economic Development Basil Rajapaksa and produce him before court in connection with an alleged misappropriation of funds belonging to the Sri Lanka Tourism Promotion Bureau (SLTPB).

The order was issued when the case was taken up before the Magistrate’s Court.

During the proceedings, President’s Counsel Kalinga Indatissa, appearing on behalf of the third suspect, had informed court that his client was prepared to make a confidential statement under Section 127 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

CID investigators had informed court that a sum of Rs. 7.8 million allocated to the SLTPB in 2014 for promotional activities had allegedly been diverted to purchase and distribute 12,000 T-shirts during the Uva Provincial Council Election campaign, resulting in a financial loss to the State.

Meanwhile, the Magistrate had ordered the release of the bureau’s former Managing Director Rumy Jauffer, who had been held in remand custody. He was granted bail on two personal sureties of Rs. 1 million each and was also subjected to a travel ban preventing him from leaving the country.

Investigators have further informed the court that the case has been filed under provisions of the Public Property Act.

The Magistrate had also sought clarification from the CID on whether the former Financial Director of the SLTPB, whose name appears in the B report, would be named as a suspect in the case. In response, CID officers stated that they were awaiting instructions from the Attorney General regarding further action. 

Meanwhile, Bashwara Gunaratne, former Chairman of the SLTPB during the period of President MR, has agreed to appear as a State witness against Basil. President’s Counsel Rienzie Arsecularatne, appearing for Gunaratne, had reportedly told court earlier that his client had given a statement to the Magistrate under Section 127 of the Code of Criminal Procedure and had asked court to name his client as a State witness in the case and release him on bail.

The case was postponed and is scheduled to be called again on 14 October.

Jayakody’s trial begins

While there has been much focus on the probes against members of former governments, the Colombo High Court on Wednesday (17) commenced the trial of former Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, who is facing corruption charges brought by the CIABOC.

The case was taken up before High Court Judge Rashantha Godawela. During the proceedings, the charges were formally read out in open court, and Jayakody pleaded not guilty to all counts.

Accordingly, the court ordered the commencement of the trial.

According to the CIABOC, the charges relate to Jayakody’s tenure as Procurement Manager of the Lanka Fertiliser Company in 2016.

Prosecutors allege that he unlawfully awarded a contract for carpeting the premises of a company warehouse in a manner that conferred an undue benefit on a private contractor. The alleged irregularity is said to have resulted in a loss of Rs. 8.86 million to the State.