In recent times, Opposition political circles have been raising criticisms that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), the leading party of the ruling National People’s Power (NPP), intends to establish a one-party rule in Sri Lanka. Among Tamil politicians, Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) General Secretary M.A. Sumanthiran has been at the forefront of voicing these concerns.

These criticisms were initially sparked by comments made by JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva following his visit to China last June, where he discussed the ‘advantages’ of China’s one-party system.

Tilvin’s comments

Silva stated that Chinese Communist Party officials had advised him that for a ruling party to implement effective, long-term reforms in Sri Lanka, it must remain in power continuously for 15–20 years. He noted that unlike five-year electoral cycles, China’s one-party system allowed for consistent planning over 30–40 years.

According to Silva, the Chinese Communist Party suggested that winning three or four consecutive elections was essential to implement real change and maintain stability. He noted that the Chinese system allowed for integrated planning and policy consistency, unlike the situation where policies shifted every time a new government took office.

“We feel there is a form of democracy in China. It is true that there is a one-party system in that country. But there is also a positive side to it, as it helps in working towards one direction and one plan,” Silva said.

He added: “We have started to transform our country. However, if our Government changes in the next five years while we are carrying out these transformation processes, everything we started will collapse. A different government will come to power and act differently. 

“That is why we believe that only if a government remains in power for 15, 20, or 25 years can the country be moved forward under one vision and one policy framework. That is the advantage China has. The country utilises it and I believe it is one of the reasons for its rise.” 

Sumanthiran shared these remarks on the social media platform X last week.

Opposition parties – now largely weakened and fragmented – fear that the JVP might strive to establish a one-party rule, given its Marxist-Leninist ideological roots, its history of two armed insurrections to seize State power, and the fact that the NPP currently holds a two-thirds majority in Parliament.

‘Prajashakthi’ 

Sumanthiran, who had previously expressed his fears domestically regarding the JVP leadership’s intent to establish a one-party state, also raised the issue during his recent visit to India.

In an interview in New Delhi with journalist M.R. Narayan Swamy, who is familiar with Sri Lankan affairs, Sumanthiran identified the Government’s ‘Prajashakthi’ (People’s Power) project as a step towards a one-party system.

Sumanthiran warned that the danger of the JVP moving towards a one-party state threatened not just Tamils but the entire country. He alleged that the Government was using this poverty alleviation scheme to bypass existing institutions and elected representatives. Instead, it utilises structures comprising individuals specifically chosen by the party – namely, party members and supporters – to lead development at the grassroots level.

The ITAK General Secretary further claimed that in the Tamil-majority Northern Province, the Government had already begun setting up power structures parallel to local authorities. In order to usurp the remaining powers of Provincial Councils (where elections have not been held for years), the Government has reportedly appointed five NPP Members of Parliament in the north as ‘shadow ministers’.

Sumanthiran noted that while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake appeared willing to change long-held party positions and act reasonably, hardliners within his party opposed working harmoniously with other political forces now that the NPP had secured a two-thirds majority.

The Government launched ‘Prajashakthi’ last July as a national movement for poverty alleviation, aimed at empowering local communities to lead their own development. The stated goal was to move away from direct cash transfers to the poor, instead empowering communities to identify and implement development projects based on priority.

The project is implemented through community development councils (‘Prajashakthi’ sabhas) established at the grama niladhari division level. These councils are responsible for identifying local needs, formulating development plans, and monitoring progress across all districts.

The core grievance of the Opposition is that the Government’s approach creates a grassroots structure composed of ruling party loyalists that runs parallel to democratically elected Local Government bodies.

Critics argue that while the Government cooperates with local councils under NPP control, it implements ‘Prajashakthi’ in a way that undermines councils run by Opposition parties.

Sumanthiran specifically complained that in the north and east, where Tamil and Muslim parties control Local Government, ‘Prajashakthi’ hinders their effective functioning. When community development councils work directly with divisional and district secretariats to implement projects, the importance and authority of elected Local Government bodies are marginalised.

Opposition parties point out the danger of these councils – filled with ruling party members or supporters – functioning as a party political apparatus at the grassroots level under full Government patronage.

An unlikely outcome

Having abandoned the path of armed struggle three decades ago to embrace the democratic path, the JVP is no longer attempting to abolish the capitalist structure; instead, it is operating within that very system.

President Dissanayake, who took over the leadership of the JVP more than a decade ago, has steadily steered the party towards parliamentary democracy. By moving past its violent history, the JVP has transformed into a political party widely accepted by the public. Although it presents itself as an opponent of the traditional political establishment, it functions in practice within the existing capitalist democratic framework.

Furthermore, the JVP rose to power through a new avatar – the NPP – formed in 2019 in alliance with various political groups, civil organisations, trade unions, women’s groups, and intellectuals. While the JVP remains the dominant force within the NPP, it is unlikely that the relatively liberal forces within the coalition would support or cooperate with any attempt to establish an anti-democratic, one-party rule.

It is already on record that President Dissanayake has openly stated that no single government, party, or individual can solve Sri Lanka’s deep-rooted crises. To date, there is no evidence to suspect him of being someone who justifies or supports one-party rule.

At the same time, although the Sri Lankan State is fundamentally characterised by ethnic majoritarianism, it possesses a deeply rooted multi-party democratic system. Therefore, establishing a one-party rule would be challenging both legally and practically. In particular, the political culture of southern Sri Lanka is defined by intense inter-party competition, making it unlikely to permit one-party dominance.

NPP’s predicament

However, for more than four decades since the introduction of the executive presidency, authoritarianism and the abuse of power have gradually increased. This evolution has weakened both Parliament and various constitutional institutions.

While the abolition of the executive presidency has been a long-standing demand, it has yet to be realised. Recent history shows that presidents under this system have generally been focused on weakening opposition parties. The NPP Government now faces the same allegation.

Nevertheless, unlike previous governments that held a two-thirds majority in Parliament, there is – as of yet – no evidence that the NPP has used its massive parliamentary mandate to act with the arrogance of power.

On the other hand, the NPP Government continues to support a unitary and centralised State structure while showing a lack of interest in addressing issues related to the devolution of power. This has caused significant discontent among minority communities. The NPP’s hesitation to take firm steps to address the grievances of these communities – out of fear of sparking a racist backlash in the south – demonstrates that it remains a prisoner of communal politics.

Historically, one-party systems have often been established following revolutions or wars to justify the concentration of power and the establishment of political stability through a single ideology. 

Box:

In memory of the ‘Aragalaya’

The NPP Government is managing the fuel crisis resulting from the Middle East war more smoothly than expected. Although fuel is being distributed to vehicles through the QR code system, vehicle queues can still be seen in front of some filling stations.

This sight inevitably brings to mind the scenes from four years ago during the time of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR). When the economy went bankrupt, people waited in long queues, day and night, through scorching heat and pouring rain, just to obtain fuel.

Those were the days when the people took to the streets to protest against systemic failure. The first protest that paved the way for those movements took place on the night of 31 March 2022, outside GR’s private residence in Mirihana. It was the first instance where people gathered to protest outside the residence of an Executive President of Sri Lanka.

Following this, the ‘Gota Go Gama’ protest village emerged in front of the Presidential Secretariat in Galle Face. On 9 May 2022, then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa (MR) unleashed his supporters against these protesters, leading to nationwide unrest where the houses of many Government politicians were set on fire.

Amidst the turmoil, MR resigned as Prime Minister that day. Exactly a month later, on 9 June 2022, his brother and former Minister Basil Rajapaksa resigned from his parliamentary seat. As hundreds of thousands gathered in Colombo to revolt, GR fled the country on 13 July 2022, marking the end of the Rajapaksa regime.

Today, no one seems to talk publicly about the ‘Aragalaya’ movement that shook Sri Lanka’s political order. Even the leaders of the NPP Government, who came to power due to the political shifts triggered by that struggle, do not speak of it. However, the sight of vehicles lining up at fuel stations – even if not to the same extent as before – reminds one of the ‘Aragalaya’.

Back then, goods were unavailable for purchase. Today, while goods are available, most people cannot afford them due to high prices. The crisis then was a result of bad governance, poor economic management, and corruption.

As Sri Lanka gradually recovers, the current crisis has emerged due to the war in the Middle East. With the cost of living skyrocketing, the incumbent Government is also continuously and steeply increasing charges for various services. At a time when the majority of the people are unable to bear the cost of living, it is essential for Government leaders to reflect on the ‘Aragalaya’ period.

(The writer is a senior journalist based in Colombo)

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect the official position of this publication)