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Diversification won’t shield fuel prices

Diversification won’t shield fuel prices

11 Mar 2026



The Government’s assurances that Sri Lanka is not solely dependent on the Gulf markets for fuel supplies and that a steady supply can be secured from India, Malaysia, and Singapore, should be approached with a degree of scepticism. Although it is a sensible message, it is also only half the story.

In moments of geopolitical tension, particularly when instability threatens the Strait of Hormuz, oil markets react long before tankers stop moving. Prices surge on risk perception. Insurance costs climb. Freight rates rise. Even countries that do not physically depend on the Gulf feel the shock through global benchmarks. The question, therefore, is not merely whether Sri Lanka can buy fuel from alternative suppliers. The real question is whether those suppliers themselves can operate without being drawn into the same turbulence.

India, Malaysia, and Singapore are not minor players in the oil ecosystem. India is one of the world’s largest refiners. Singapore is Asia’s principal oil trading and storage hub. Malaysia is both a producer and a refining centre. None of them is entirely reliant on the Strait of Hormuz. India has diversified heavily in recent years, increasing imports from Russia and other non-Gulf sources. Malaysian production and regional trade move largely through the Strait of Malacca. Singapore sources crude from multiple directions and redistributes refined products across Asia.

On paper, this diversification appears reassuring. It suggests that shipments to Sri Lanka need not be physically blocked even if tensions escalate in the Gulf. But oil markets do not operate on paper alone. They operate on price, availability and confidence.

India may import Russian crude that avoids Hormuz, but it still buys significant volumes from Gulf producers. If supply from the Middle East tightens, India must compete harder in the global market for alternative barrels. That competition drives prices up. The same applies to Singapore. It can refine crude from many sources, yet it trades in a market where every disruption adds a premium. Malaysia, though better positioned due to domestic production, is not insulated from global pricing.

Sri Lanka must therefore distinguish between physical access and economic access. The former may remain intact. The latter may become far more expensive.

For a country still emerging from a severe economic crisis, this distinction is critical. Sri Lanka’s vulnerability is not only about whether ships arrive at port. It is about foreign exchange reserves, fiscal discipline, and public confidence. Even modest increases in global oil prices translate into pressure on the balance of payments. If the Government chooses to shield consumers from rising costs, it must absorb the fiscal burden. If it passes costs on to the public, inflation and political discontent may follow.

Diversifying suppliers is sound policy. It reduces dependence on any single region. It signals preparedness. Yet diversification cannot eliminate exposure to global market forces. Oil is a globally traded commodity priced on international benchmarks. A shock in one corner of the world reverberates everywhere.

There is also a strategic dimension that policymakers must not ignore. Relying on regional hubs such as India and Singapore may deepen economic ties, but it also places Sri Lanka within the strategic orbit of larger powers navigating their own geopolitical calculations. Energy security is not merely a commercial issue. It is intertwined with foreign policy, trade relationships, and regional stability.

This moment calls for realism rather than complacency. Authorities are correct to reassure the public that alternative routes exist and that supply chains are diversified. Panic serves no one. But reassurance must be matched by transparency about price risks and contingency planning.

Sri Lanka should be strengthening strategic fuel reserves where possible. It should be improving storage capacity and procurement flexibility. In fact, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake told Parliament last week that Sri Lanka does not have a dedicated strategic fuel reserve capable of holding two to three months’ worth of fuel. Instead, operational and reserve stocks sit in the same facilities, meaning careful timing of shipments and drawdowns is required.

Energy diversification at home is part of that equation. Expanding renewable generation, improving grid efficiency and reducing wastage are not fashionable slogans. They are matters of national resilience. Every litre of imported fuel saved through efficiency or alternative energy reduces vulnerability to global conflicts.

There is a broader lesson here. Small economies do not control global oil markets. They adapt to them. The illusion that simply changing suppliers guarantees insulation from turmoil is dangerous. Markets are interconnected. Risks are transmitted quickly. Preparedness must therefore go beyond logistics.

Sri Lanka cannot prevent volatility in the Strait of Hormuz. It cannot dictate global crude flows. What it can do is manage exposure prudently, communicate honestly, and act decisively to cushion the economy against shocks.




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