Politics is often said to be about perception, but governments ultimately survive on performance. For President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) Government, the latest economic and political indicators present a striking paradox. 

On the one hand, the administration continues to command extraordinary public confidence, with more than three-quarters of Sri Lankans reportedly expressing satisfaction with the President’s performance and strong approval for the Government’s governance agenda. 

On the other hand, the economy continues to send troubling signals. Tourism earnings, one of the Government’s principal sources of much-needed foreign exchange, fell by 12% during the first half of 2026, official reserves declined sharply in June, and more than half of Sri Lankans say their household finances have deteriorated over the past year. Together, these figures expose the widening gap between political optimism and economic reality.

For now, AKD’s Government appears to enjoy something few Sri Lankan administrations have possessed in recent years: a substantial reservoir of public trust. Voters continue to credit the Government for its commitment to cleaner governance, institutional reform, and political stability, even as many families struggle with the rising cost of living. 

The latest Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) survey suggests that Sri Lankans remain willing to give the Government time to deliver on its promises. Yet that goodwill is neither limitless nor unconditional. Public support for abolishing the executive presidency remains strong, but most citizens clearly regard economic recovery, not constitutional reform, as the country’s most urgent priority.

That may be the defining political challenge facing the JVP/NPP. Electoral victories and high approval ratings provide governments with political capital, but only economic progress sustains it. As Sri Lanka continues its difficult recovery under the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme, the administration will increasingly be judged not by the integrity of its intentions but by improvements in jobs, incomes, investment, tourism, and household living standards. The honeymoon, while far from over, is steadily giving way to the harder test of governing.

Chaos in the Judiciary

However, the JVP/NPP Government has managed to create quite a bit of chaos in the country’s Judiciary over its move to increase the retirement ages of judges in superior courts without moving to fill the existing vacancies in these higher courts.

Due to increasing opposition over the move to increase the retirement ages of a group of judges, the Government, it is learnt, is looking at the possibility of extending the retirement ages of judges in all courts in the country.

The debate, however, comes against the backdrop of a mounting backlog of court cases, persistent shortages of judicial officers, the migration of legal professionals, and rising life expectancy. The Government has also acknowledged differing views expressed by stakeholders, suggesting that the proposal is likely to undergo further scrutiny before any policy decision is made. 

Nevertheless, the issue of extending the retirement age of judges of superior courts has managed to divide members of the Judiciary into two groups – those supporting and those opposing the Government’s proposal. This division, if continued, could have an adverse impact on the country’s entire judicial system while also building a trust deficit between the public and the Judiciary. 

JSA General Assembly

However, the recent news of the Judicial Service Association (JSA), which represents judicial officers including district judges, magistrates, and other members of the Judiciary, unanimously rejecting the Government’s proposal to extend the retirement age of superior court judges, amidst claims by some sections that the resolution has been overshadowed by a dispute over whether the meeting was legally constituted, further polarised the Judiciary over the issue of judges’ retirement ages.

At a special general meeting held at the Kaduwela Magistrate’s Court premises on 11 July, members were invited to express their views on the proposal through a secret ballot. All 65 members present had voted against the Government’s plan to increase the retirement age of the Chief Justice and superior court judges by two years.

However, the outcome has been challenged by members of the Judiciary, who contend that the meeting did not meet the quorum required under the association’s constitution. More than 225 members were reportedly called to attend, but only 65 were present.

The controversy also prompted Colombo Fort Magistrate Pasan Amarasena to resign as President of the JSA. He stepped down in protest over the decision to convene what he described as an unlawful General Assembly, maintaining that the meeting was held without the required quorum and therefore in violation of the association’s rules.

The JSA meeting on 11 July had been held under the patronage of the Vice President of the association.

The dispute comes amid growing debate over the Government’s proposal to extend the retirement age of the Chief Justice and Supreme Court judges by two years, a move that has drawn criticism from several legal bodies.

The Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL), the Law Association for Asia and the Pacific (LAWASIA), and the Commonwealth Lawyers Association (CLA) have already voiced their opposition to the proposal, citing concerns over judicial independence and governance.

Following the passage of the special motion on 11 July, in a letter to President AKD, the JSA stated that it did not support extending the constitutionally stipulated retirement age of judges, including those serving on the Supreme Court. The association said that the decision had been unanimously approved at a special General Assembly meeting held on 11 July, following a secret ballot conducted among members.

Lawyers to act

Meanwhile, the BASL President had convened a meeting with the President’s Counsels (PCs) in the country at the BASL Auditorium on Friday (17) evening.

The main topic of discussion at this meeting had been the ongoing controversy over the extension of the retirement age of superior court judges.

A group of lawyers were scheduled to also meet on Saturday (18) to form an action committee to discuss and initiate further action with regard to the judges’ retirement age controversy.

Nalinda’s confirmation

Amidst the increasing objections being raised by sections of the Judiciary, Cabinet Spokesman, Minister Nalinda Jayatissa last week confirmed to the media the discussion within the Government about the extension of the retirement age of superior court judges by saying that the matter had been discussed at last Monday’s (13) Cabinet gathering.

The Government is now seen to be treading cautiously on the proposal to increase the retirement age of judges, with Jayatissa also confirming that no final decision had been taken yet. 

“Yesterday (13), we discussed this matter at the Cabinet meeting. During the discussion, we took several factors into consideration. One of the key issues is the backlog of cases that has accumulated within the country’s judicial system – from the Supreme Court level down to the Magistrate’s Courts – not just over the past one-and-a-half to two years, but over a much longer period. 

“On the other hand, while judges themselves are interested in expediting legal proceedings, they too are under considerable pressure due to the workload. Therefore, speeding up court proceedings is important to ensure public confidence in the justice system. Another factor is that the concentration of certain judicial services around Colombo has also created additional pressure. 

“Through the 20th Amendment in 2020, the number of Supreme Court judges was increased from 11 to 17, while the number of Court of Appeal judges was increased from 12 to 20. However, the issue of retirement age was not considered at that time. At the same time, we are seeing challenges due to the migration of professionals and certain shortcomings in attracting people to this field. Taking all these factors into account, the Government is making efforts to recruit more judges to the Judiciary,” the Minister noted.

“Based on the reports and information provided by the Ministry of Justice, the Cabinet will decide on the next steps,” he added.

The Cabinet therefore is awaiting a report by the Ministry of Justice before deciding on the way forward.

Jayatissa also pointed to the Judiciary’s recruitment challenges, noting that only 33 magistrates had been appointed against a planned intake of 50 due to a lack of qualified applicants.

Ready after December

Meanwhile, amid the ongoing debate over the Government’s move to extend the retirement age of a group of judges, main Opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) Member of Parliament (MP) Ajith P. Perera had made an interesting statement.

Speaking during a political debate on television last week, Perera had said that the party was not opposed to introducing reforms to the Judiciary but had an issue with the timing and the manner in which the Government was trying to push the extension of judges’ retirement age.

Perera’s next statement was quite interesting; he had said that he would not object to the Government’s move if the proposed extension of judges’ retirement age was presented after December this year.

After hearing this statement, several Opposition politicians had wondered why Perera had referred to this December. A senior Opposition politician had then pointed out that since the Government was being accused of trying to extend the retirement age of judges of superior courts in order to enable a single individual holding a senior office in the Judiciary to remain in the post, this individual would have to proceed with retirement this year if the Government failed to proceed with extending the retirement age of senior judges since their retirement was due this December. 

Sajith convenes meeting

Meanwhile, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa is to convene a meeting of all Opposition parties at a hotel in Colombo on Thursday (23).

The meeting, it is learnt, is to discuss the issues faced by the country and the actions to be taken by the Opposition. It is also learnt that special focus will be placed on the issue of extending the retirement age of superior court judges as well as the recent carnage at the Negombo Prison.

Harini denies Tilvin’s claim

Apart from the ongoing judicial controversy, the JVP/NPP Government is also facing mounting pressure from Opposition parties to hold the long-delayed Provincial Council Elections. 

Senior members of the JVP/NPP have thus far made contradictory statements. However, Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya recently contradicted JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva. Silva had previously stated that the fund allocation to hold the Provincial Council Elections had been redirected to finance disaster relief programmes. The Prime Minister, however, has insisted that no such diversion had taken place. She maintained that the allocation for the elections remained separate from the funds being used for disaster response and recovery.

The Prime Minister stated during the last parliamentary session that all financial contributions received from donors for disaster relief and the restoration of damaged infrastructure had been deposited in a dedicated account maintained under the supervision of the Deputy Secretary to the Treasury.

She said that the funds would be utilised transparently and efficiently for projects identified in line with national priorities and urgent needs.

According to Amarasuriya, the projects will focus on providing assistance to disaster-affected communities, restoring livelihoods, repairing damaged public infrastructure, and restoring essential services.

She also assured Parliament that the management and disbursement of these funds would be carried out in accordance with the principles of transparency, accountability, and good governance.

New minority alliance

Meanwhile, a significant political development was witnessed last week when six Tamil and Muslim political parties formed a joint political platform to advocate for shared concerns affecting Tamil-speaking communities across the country, while emphasising that the initiative is neither an electoral alliance nor a movement formed against the Government.

The platform comprises the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA), All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), Ceylon Workers’ Congress (CWC), Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK), and Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA).

Launched in Colombo on Monday (13), the initiative brought together political representatives from the northern, eastern, western, and plantation regions to address common issues affecting Tamil-speaking communities. Key areas of focus included supporting the introduction of a new constitution in line with the Government’s election commitments; ensuring justice, equality, and meaningful power-sharing; conducting long-delayed Provincial Council Elections; and resolving land-related concerns.

The parties said that the platform would engage with the Government, Opposition groups, civil society organisations, and religious leaders to pursue these objectives through dialogue.

Rejecting criticism that the grouping was based on ethnic divisions, party leaders said the initiative was not a “racist alliance” but one aimed at opposing racism and addressing shared concerns. They stressed that it was not formed against any community, nor was it intended to function as an anti-Government or Opposition-supporting alliance.

The parties said that they would continue to maintain their separate political identities while cooperating on issues where there was common agreement.

TPA Leader Mano Ganesan said that the platform had been created to advocate for a new constitutional process, holding Provincial Council Elections, and the protection of land rights in the Northern and Eastern Provinces as well as plantation regions, while working within the framework of an undivided Sri Lanka.

ITAK General Secretary M.A. Sumanthiran described the initiative as a significant step, noting that it was the first time in decades that representatives of northern and eastern Tamil and Muslim and Malaiyaha Tamil communities had come together to establish a common political platform.

“This is a platform where Tamil-speaking parties can raise a collective voice on issues that affect all of us. It is not an alliance. Each party will retain its own political position, but where there is common ground, we will work together because a united voice has greater strength,” he said.

A significant development

However, the formation of a common platform by six Tamil and Muslim political parties marks a significant development in the country’s evolving political landscape, creating a new space for Tamil-speaking communities to collectively articulate their concerns while maintaining their individual political identities.

Although the parties have stressed that the initiative is neither an electoral alliance nor an anti-Government movement, the move carries clear political significance. By bringing together representatives from the northern, eastern, and plantation communities, the platform could strengthen the bargaining power of Tamil-speaking parties on key national issues, including constitutional reform, power-sharing, provincial governance, land rights, and minority representation.

For the Government, the emergence of this platform presents both a challenge and an opportunity. While the administration has secured a strong mandate, it will need to carefully engage with a broader range of stakeholders as it moves forward with its reform agenda. Addressing long-standing concerns of minority communities through dialogue could become an important test of the Government’s commitment to inclusive governance.

For Opposition parties that are currently attempting to build a common political front ahead of future elections, the new grouping highlights the importance of minority representation in any broader political strategy. The ability to build alliances beyond traditional political boundaries may prove crucial in shaping the next phase of the country’s electoral map.

SJB-UNP alliance pains

While the Tamil-speaking political parties have managed to form a joint platform on common causes, a fresh political row seems to have emerged within the Opposition amid allegations of a renewed media campaign targeting Opposition and SJB Leader Premadasa.

It is learnt that United National Party (UNP) Leader, former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who had previously been openly involved in political attacks on the SJB, is now adopting covert methods to target Premadasa and the party through sections of the media.

Several senior SJBers allege that, over an extended period, false news reports have been circulated through media outlets linked to Wickremesinghe and other publications to create divisions within the SJB and to politically undermine Premadasa.

According to these SJB seniors, despite their long-standing political rivalry, Premadasa had set aside past differences following Wickremesinghe’s arrest on allegations of financial misconduct and had regularly visited Wickremesinghe at the Welikada Prison and later at the National Hospital, while the SJB had also publicly supported him during that period.

However, media outlets linked to Wickremesinghe have subsequently published reports claiming that Premadasa himself was facing imminent arrest, and according to several SJB seniors, those reports later lost credibility after details surrounding the alleged campaign became public.

“Sajith [Premadasa] later sought to rebuild relations between the SJB and the UNP, dispatching SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara and Party Chairman Kabir Hashim to meet Wickremesinghe before personally holding discussions with him at his private residence in Kollupitiya. Despite those efforts, media attacks against Premadasa have continued,” a senior SJBer noted. 

However, the senior also noted that the anti-Premadasa media campaign was also being aided by some senior figures in the UNP who were opposed to an alliance between the SJB and UNP and that some members within the SJB were also supportive of the media campaign.

During a recent discussion with senior SJB members, Premadasa, it is learnt, had expressed concern over the alleged campaign, identified those he believed were involved, and also reiterated that neither he nor the SJB would defend individuals accused of corruption.

“I know who is behind these attacks and how they are being carried out. I also know that some members of our own party are involved. But regardless of the pressure, I will never stand up for corrupt individuals, those facing corruption allegations, or those involved in corrupt dealings. Nor will I allow the SJB to be placed in a position where it defends such individuals,” Premadasa had told his party seniors.

RW’s advice to Namal

Meanwhile, Wickremesinghe has recently given some political advice to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) National Organiser Namal Rajapaksa when the two had met at a recent function in Colombo. The event was Shantha Bandara’s son’s wedding at the Cinnamon Life hotel. 

Seeing Wickremesinghe and former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR), Namal had made his way to them and spoken to Wickremesinghe and GR. 

Wickremesinghe had asked what Namal was doing at present and why he was not attending Joint Opposition meetings. Namal had responded saying that he was engaged in a village-level campaign to give leadership to disgruntled people. He had pointed out that there were many who had supported the JVP/NPP at elections who were now disgruntled and that they needed political leadership. Namal had added that there was much to be done at ground level rather than holding meetings in Colombo and discussing what needed to be done.

After listening to Namal’s political programme, Wickremesinghe had agreed with his (Namal’s) plan. He (Wickremesinghe) had then advised Namal to continue with his ground-level work while noting that the Joint Opposition would do the organising work in getting parties together. Taking on a role of what seems to be a ‘mentor,’ Wickremesinghe, it is learnt, had told Namal that he could decide on using the common political platform after he had built ground-level support.

Namal’s Singapore moment

Meanwhile, Namal has called for Sri Lanka to position itself as a strategic economic and geopolitical hub in what he has described as the emerging “Indian Ocean century,” arguing that the country’s future prosperity will depend on its ability to connect the economies of Asia, the Middle East, and Africa.

Speaking at the Global Economic Cooperation (GEC) East Summit in Singapore, Namal has said that the world is entering a new era in which the Indian Ocean region will increasingly shape global economic growth, trade, and strategic affairs. He has maintained that Sri Lanka’s geographic location presents a unique opportunity to serve as a trusted link between some of the world’s fastest-growing regions.

Participating in a panel discussion with Milken Institute Chair – Senior Fellows and former United States Executive Director at the Asian Development Bank Curtis S. Chin, Namal has outlined his vision of transforming Sri Lanka into a reliable bridge for regional connectivity, investment, and economic cooperation.

He has argued that achieving this goal would require greater emphasis on innovation, entrepreneurship, and regional collaboration, while equipping the next generation with the skills needed to compete in an increasingly interconnected global economy.

Namal has also stressed that Sri Lanka’s long-term development should be viewed within the broader geopolitical transformation taking place across the Indian Ocean, where economic influence and strategic competition are expected to intensify in the coming decades.

Engaging with Gen Z

While Namal was waxing eloquent in Singapore, his new ‘mentor’ Wickremesinghe last week engaged in active politics by engaging with Gen Z at the Cinnamon Grand in Colombo at the event ‘Read with Ranil’ organised by the UNP.

During his interaction with the youth audience, Wickremesinghe has defended his decision to assume office at the height of Sri Lanka’s unprecedented political and economic crisis in 2022, insisting that he neither sought the presidency nor prepared to take power, but stepped in when others refused the responsibility.

He has reflected on the turbulent period that followed the collapse of the GR administration, claiming that he was far from the preferred candidate to lead the country.

“I was not the first choice to take over the nation during that time. I had to take over as no one else was willing to do it. I must have been the fourth choice,” he has noted.

The former President has stated that the UNP had been reduced to a single parliamentary seat at the time, making his elevation to the presidency all the more unusual. Yet, he has argued that the gravity of the crisis demanded leadership rather than political calculation.

“I thought it could be handled. We had to move forward, stabilise the economy, and work things out,” Wickremesinghe has said, maintaining that restoring economic stability had become his overriding priority from the moment he accepted office.

Reflecting on leadership, the former President has dismissed the notion that one can prepare for moments of national crisis, arguing instead that political leaders must be ready to act when circumstances demand it. “You can’t make yourself ready; you must be ready for it. If you’re not ready, then you shouldn’t be in the game,” he has said.

Wickremesinghe’s comments appear to be aimed at reinforcing a long-standing political narrative that he had assumed the presidency not out of personal ambition, but because the country’s political establishment had reached a point where few were willing to inherit the burden of an economy in freefall and a nation gripped by instability.

By revisiting the events of 2022, Wickremesinghe has once again sought to frame his presidency as one born out of necessity rather than electoral mandate, arguing that the responsibility of stabilising the economy ultimately outweighed political considerations.

Religious extremism

While Wickremesinghe has begun political engagements through new programmes, some Opposition political groups seem to be looking at the old path of religious extremism as a political campaign.

Several Opposition leaders had discussed the possible re-emergence of politics based on religious sensitivities following an interaction with a group of members of the Buddhist clergy in the Kurunegala District. This discussion, it is learnt, had taken place when an almsgiving was offered to a group of senior Buddhist monks in the Kurunegala area following a seminar of the Joint Opposition convened by G.L. Peiris.

After a seminar that was held in the Kurunegala town, organised by the Joint Opposition last Sunday (12), an almsgiving for the Buddhist clergy had been organised by former MP Jayarathne Herath. Several Opposition leaders who had attended the seminar, including Peiris and former Minister Patali Champika Ranawaka, had participated in the almsgiving.

Several Buddhist monks had spoken to Ranawaka and Peiris during the almsgiving, expressing their displeasure over what they had termed as interference of certain senior figures of the Catholic Church in the country in certain matters pertaining to governance. The monks had complained that many Sinhala Buddhist personnel in the armed forces had expressed their displeasure over the alleged involvement of senior members of the Catholic Church in certain appointments.

According to several Opposition members at the almsgiving, Ranawaka had agreed with the monks saying that despite some allegations of Sinhala Buddhist extremism in the country, there had not been any interference by the Buddhist clergy regarding appointments to key State posts.

The discussion between the clergy and Ranawaka, it is learnt, had concluded with the monks asking Ranawaka and Peiris to give prominence to Sinhala Buddhism in their political campaign work, resulting in several senior Opposition members at the venue wondering whether politics based on religious extremism would once again raise its head in the coming months. 

Champika’s media campaign

Meanwhile, Ranawaka, who is engaged in a campaign to build his image as a possible candidate at the next Presidential Election, had recently held a gathering for media personnel. The party for media personnel at Sanora hotel in Thalawathugoda was organised by Dhanushka Ramanayake, a former Media Secretary to Ranawaka. 

Ramanayake, after serving as Ranawaka’s Media Secretary, joined the staff of former President Wickremesinghe as the Director General of the President’s Media Division and seems to have now returned to Ranawaka’s team as the manager for his Presidential Election campaign.

It is also learnt that the media gathering was addressed by Ramanayake, who had indicated that he was speaking on behalf of Ranawaka. After outlining the issues faced by the country at present, he had noted that it was time to start social media campaigns to promote Ranawaka.

Dilith’s plan

While Ranawaka seems to be gathering support for his bid at the next Presidential Election, Sarvajana Balaya Leader Dilith Jayaweera is gearing up for the Government’s 2027 Budget which is set to be delivered on 12 November.

Jayaweera, who is a vociferous critic of the JVP/NPP and shortcomings of the incumbent Government, is keeping a close watch on ongoing developments including the Government’s preparations for the 2027 Budget, it is learnt. Once the President presents the budget proposals, Jayaweera is planning on dissecting the proposals with facts and figures.

The Sarvajana Balaya Leader is currently engaged in a grassroots-level campaign, spending time with the masses while also strengthening ties with the diplomatic community in the country.

Archchuna vs. Chandrasekar

Meanwhile, a heated confrontation had erupted during the Kilinochchi District Coordinating Committee meeting on Thursday (16) between Opposition MP Ramanathan Archchuna and Minister of Fisheries Ramalingam Chandrasekar.

The dispute had arisen after the Minister had attempted to defuse tensions between MP Archchuna and Government officials attending the meeting.

According to reports, Archchuna had strongly criticised the conduct and performance of several public officials, using what was described as inappropriate language. His remarks had prompted several Government officials present at the meeting to walk out in protest.

During the meeting, Archchuna had questioned the abandonment of an Agriculture Ministry project launched in 2025 in the Thiruvaiyaru area to promote the cultivation of black gram, cowpea, finger millet, and groundnuts.

He had also alleged that a member of the Karachchi Pradeshiya Sabha had illegally occupied land within a canal reservation and secured Rs. 3.5 million in public funds to construct a bridge providing access to a private residence, claiming that Government officials had provided assistance in the process.

Tensions had escalated further after Archchuna had alleged that senior Government officials had been complicit in corrupt activities taking place within the district, triggering a heated exchange inside the meeting hall.

The Police had subsequently intervened to bring the situation under control, while the meeting was temporarily adjourned amid the unrest.

Minister Chandrasekar, who chairs the Kilinochchi District Coordinating Committee, had attempted to calm the situation and persuade the officials to remain, but his efforts proved unsuccessful.

After the officials had left the meeting, the verbal exchange between the Minister and Archchuna had intensified and nearly escalated into a physical confrontation before Police officers intervened to restore order.

The meeting commenced at 9 a.m. at the Kilinochchi District Skills Development Auditorium and was attended by Minister Chandrasekar along with MPs K. Elankumaran, Sivagnanam Sritharan, Archchuna, and other officials.

Chamara in trouble

Meanwhile, Opposition MP Chamara Sampath Dasanayake seems to be courting yet another legal case with Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith set to pursue legal action against the MP over what the Archbishop’s Office describes as false and defamatory allegations made during a recent political meeting.

In a statement, the Cardinal’s Media Spokesman Rev. Fr. Cyril Gamini Fernando has said that legal proceedings have already been initiated through the Cardinal’s lawyers in response to remarks allegedly made by the MP at a Joint Opposition gathering on or around 10 July.

According to the statement, Dasanayake had claimed that the Commander of the Sri Lanka Army had visited the Cardinal’s residence on 2 July carrying a basket of fruit, alleging that the meeting had been linked to the subsequent extension of the Army Commander’s tenure until January or February 2028.

The Archbishop’s Office has categorically rejected the allegations, describing them as entirely baseless. It has pointed out that Cardinal Ranjith had not even been in the country on the date in question, having returned to Sri Lanka only on 3 July after having attended a Vatican conference in Rome chaired by Pope Leo XIV.

The statement has further asserted that no meeting had taken place between the Cardinal and the Army Commander since the Cardinal’s return to Sri Lanka, directly contradicting the claims attributed to the MP.

Beyond rejecting the allegations, the Archbishop’s Office has accused the MP of attempting to exploit sensitive religious issues for political purposes, with Rev. Fr. Fernando noting that the remarks appeared intended to sow distrust and undermine religious harmony at a time when responsible political discourse was essential.

The decision to seek legal redress signals the Cardinal’s intention to formally challenge the allegations, escalating what began as a political accusation into a legal dispute with potentially wider political implications.

Cardinal’s petition

Meanwhile, Cardinal Ranjith last week also moved to intervene in the Court of Appeal proceedings involving former Director of the State Intelligence Service (SIS) Suresh Sallay, underscoring his continued push for an unhindered investigation into matters linked to the Easter Sunday attacks.

The Cardinal has filed an intervening petition seeking the court’s permission to make submissions in the case brought by Sallay, while urging the court to dismiss the former Intelligence Chief’s application and allow the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to continue its investigations without judicial interference.

Sallay’s petition challenges the legality of the detention order issued against him under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), which authorised the CID to detain and question him as part of its ongoing probe. He has asked the Court of Appeal to issue a writ quashing the detention directive, arguing that it was issued unlawfully and is therefore invalid.

The Cardinal’s intervention signals his determination to ensure that legal challenges do not impede the progress of investigations, reflecting his long-standing demand for accountability and a comprehensive probe into the Easter Sunday terror attacks.