Populist politics has been the bane of Asian democracies, with the use of such often coming out of hibernation during election seasons. The recent revival of the Katchatheevu Island issue in New Delhi, and its use by Indian Premier Narendra Modi to fuel criticism of his political rivals is a matter of political expediency. It risks eroding a bank of goodwill India has worked tirelessly to build in Sri Lanka since 2014, and especially since effort invested following the Covid-19 Pandemic/economic crisis period. This unnecessary move, possibly aimed at short-term political gain before polls, and merely months after India’s debacle in the Maldives, where today China is gaining influence, will do little to consolidate cross Palk Strait relations. And Indo-Lanka relations have been growing steadily over the last few years. Since the matter was resolved in 1976, successive Indian governments have over the last fifty years upheld that the Katchatheevu issue is resolved. In 2008, the Indian Government informed the judiciary that no territory belonging to India was yielded to Sri Lanka. As nothing was ‘ceded’ there is nothing to find a ‘solution’ for.
The use of diplomatically sensitive issues for domestic political expediency, certainly will not help India’s ‘Security and Growth for All in the Region’ (SAGAR) policy, which the growing regional power claims is aimed at deepening economic and security cooperation with its maritime neighbours and assist in building their maritime security capabilities. How, sensationalising and resurrecting settled maritime issues with their smaller Indian Ocean island nations, which help India strengthen regional maritime security is baffling. Particularly as the rampant Illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing by South Indian trawlers have ruined the livelihoods of the fishing communities in the North and East of Sri Lanka. The practice has today snowballed into a serious national security concern for Sri Lanka. In 1987 India pushed Sri Lanka to add the 13th amendment to the Constitution, which New Delhi claimed was aimed at securing the political rights of the Tamil speaking communities in the North of Sri Lanka. However, India ironically will not act to uphold the economic rights of the same Tamil communities in the North, with daily incursion by thousands of South Indian trawlers, which employ destructive fishing techniques such as the banned ‘bottom trawling’.
The statements and the resulting controversy will feed the popular tale among South Indian politicians who will claim that the Katchatheevu Island was ‘gifted’ to Sri Lanka by a noble Central Government of India. The truth is far different. The issue concerning the small island off the Jaffna peninsula, was one which was resolved through cordial diplomatic negotiations over a period of time. It was also disappointing to hear India’s top diplomat, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s comments regarding the matter at a lengthy press conference, giving the issue some diplomatic credence. The ruling Bharathiya Janatha Party’s opponents have fired back, defending the process which was followed for the decision to be taken. On 31 March, PM Modi tweeted: “Eye opening and startling! New facts reveal how Congress callously gave away #Katchatheevu. This has angered every Indian and reaffirmed in people’s minds-we can’t ever trust Congress! Weakening India’s unity, integrity and interests has been Congress’ way of working for 75 years and counting.” His characterisation of the issue of the island being ‘callously given away’ is a misrepresentation of the actualities, and is clearly aimed at stoking South Indian nationalism. The combined messaging from Modi and the EAM, while may be well received in their targeted audience, was a needless baiting of what is today, a friendly neighbour. If one was to read between the lines, Jaishankar’s commentary may also be New Delhi semaphoring its displeasure at how some issues are being dealt with by Colombo. Nevertheless, the unnecessary weaponisation of Katchatheevu by the Indian Central Government, will also give fuel for nationalistic elements in Sri Lanka to view other powers who Sri Lanka does not have territorial disputes with as being more cordial to work with.
Modi’s intentions were laid bare in a following tweet (filed at 8.44 a.m. on 1 April); “Rhetoric aside, DMK has done NOTHING to safeguard Tamil Nadu’s interests. New details emerging on #Katchatheevu has UNMASKED the DMK’s double standards totally. Congress and DMK are family units. They only care that their own sons and daughters rise. They don’t care for anyone else. Their callousness on Katchatheevu has harmed the interests of our poor fishermen and fisherwomen in particular.” This issue, resurrected now, is aimed at internal politics, but will have cross-Strait ramifications.
It is judicious that Sri Lanka has not made a ‘knee jerk’ response to the statements. Especially, as no official communication on the issue has been made officially by New Delhi to Colombo as of yet, to the best of our knowledge. Colombo should not get entangled in New Delhi’s internal populist politics. There is no need to escalate this ‘election rhetoric’ to one of bilateral nature. However, the relentless provoking claims on Sri Lankan territory, especially from the senior government figures in New Delhi will do little for Sri Lanka to build stronger kinship with India. Given the ‘Rising Asian Tiger’ relations with its immediate neighbourhood, New Delhi would be prudent not to overplay its hand. The Indian administration is surely aware of the many other powers who would wish to take advantage of the erosion of goodwill between the Palk Strait neighbours.