Throughout Sri Lanka’s post-independence history, the election of every single leader to political office has been on the strength of lofty promises, never on what really counts, like credibility of the person making the promises, past track record, capacity to deliver, qualifications, integrity, etc., which in fact are routine requirements for most managerial jobs. The bigger the political office, the lesser the focus on job credentials, and the current state of the nation is a clear indication of the heavy cost of that practice.
Politicians who have mastered the art of lying and deception have come to realise that the bigger the promises and fairytales, the bigger the chances of getting elected. In a nation that boasts a literacy rate exceeding 90%, persisting political illiteracy is certainly cause for concern as the majority of voters become easy prey for political capture. The issue can be easily fixed by introducing a candidate recall system as in some parts of the developed world or by introducing a mechanism holding those elected accountable for the promises made. But that is the kind of legislation that is unlikely to see the light of day for obvious reasons.
For the past 30 years, every elected leader has promised the abolition of the executive presidency, the incumbent, not to be outdone, being the last to make that promise. Now, eight months since assuming office, few are the signs of it being fulfilled. Instead, we see the same abuse that made the post so abhorrent to the nation over the course of the last three decades resurfacing in a different light.
The main platform on which the present National People’s Power (NPP) regime ascended to office was its avowed commitment to the anti-corruption campaign leading to what was marketed as ‘system change.’ No doubt a lofty promise very much in keeping with past trends – the reward for it being the election of an Executive President and a two-third majority in Parliament to go with it. But in the past eight months that the NPP has been in office, its commitment to the cause has come under increasing scrutiny in light of some questionable appointments to key State entities, especially those in the vanguard of the battle against corruption.
The latest in this regard is the attempt to appoint an ‘outsider’ with dubious credentials to the post of auditor general, a position that has remained vacant for one-and-a-half months now following the retirement of the former Auditor General (AG). In Sri Lanka’s governance set-up, the position of auditor general plays a pivotal role in identifying financial malpractice, irregularities, and corruption by State entities and in the current context its importance cannot be emphasised enough. Yet, having campaigned to fight the good fight against such actions which, as rightly pointed out, lie at the root of the country’s current economic woes, it is becoming increasingly apparent that the NPP’s rhetoric on the matter hardly matches the action on the ground, despite the power at its disposal.
It is to the credit of regimes past that checks and balances are in place to check Executive excess. It is due to this that the President has had to suffer the ignominy of his nominee for the post of auditor general being rejected not once but twice consecutively by the Constitutional Council, which is the body empowered to appoint the auditor general and other key State officials. The Constitutional Council, which comprises the Speaker, President’s nominee, Prime Minister, Opposition Leader, and civil society representatives, voted out the President’s nominee on two occasions as the nominee has failed to fulfil the criteria for the post.
Given the state the country finds itself in, with corruption rampant at all levels of the governance structure, there is no downplaying the critical importance of an independent auditor general and the dire need for the holder of that office to be of unblemished and impeccable character. Interestingly, the President’s nominee for the post has supposedly never served at the AG’s Department and his experience on the subject is limited to five years. Further, there is the complication of conflict of interest, with the nominee continuing to serve as an NPP-appointed Director of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation. The candidate’s only claim to fame and perceived suitability for the post appears to be his personal friendship with the Executive, having been university buddies at Kelaniya.
Under normal circumstances, when an auditor general retires, the next in line in terms of seniority and suitability is automatically deemed the next in line for the post. Besides, the auditor general’s office is constitutionally defined as an independent entity functioning independent of the State and directly accountable to Parliament, as in the case of other independent institutions such as the Election Commission, Judicial Service Commission, National Police Commission, etc. The only instance that outsiders can be parachuted in, if at all, is if someone suitable cannot be found within, but in this instance that is clearly not the case as the present Acting Auditor General has fulfilled the requirements, being the senior-most officer in the department counting 30 years of service and having the required qualifications as well as service record, including acting in that capacity for the past 45 days.
It is in this backdrop that questions as well as eyebrows are being raised as to why a complete outsider with political affiliations is being earmarked for this key post by a regime that championed the fight against corruption and was installed in office on the strength of it. The President’s nomination for the post also goes against the NPP’s own election manifesto, which clearly promised to end the practice of political appointments.
Meanwhile the Opposition has alleged that the delay in appointing a suitable person to the post has resulted in an undue delay in submitting the Auditor General’s report for the last financial year – hardly the thing voters expected of the party. The non-consideration of the Acting AG for permanency in the post has also plunged the department into unnecessary turmoil, with accounting services trade unions lining up in support of the Acting AG.
The question being asked is as to why the NPP, this early into its term, is so determined to squander the wealth of goodwill it enjoyed by resorting to practices even those whom it referred to as corrupt did not, by keeping their tentacles away at least from the statutory independent institutions. The NPP needs to be mindful of the fact that credibility, once destroyed, is near impossible to regain.
Therefore, why is the party pushing for its man, turning tradition and best practice on their head? If the President’s nominee had more impressive credentials than the one in line from the department, then there could have been some merit to the attempt, but that is clearly not the case here. Therefore, the only two plausible reasons for the parachute push are for the AG to merely act as a rubber seal for the NPP’s political agenda or to turn a blind eye to what’s taking place.
Whichever it may be, the optics are not that great for a regime which, as far as its supporters are concerned, appears to be doing the opposite of what it promised. If the recent Local Government Elections are any indication, the regime needs to get its act together sooner than later. Since the President’s nominee for AG has now been rejected twice by the Constitutional Council, he now has to submit a new name and one can only hope that saner counsel will prevail and the all-important role of the AG and the department will not be compromised in any manner. The point to note here is that if the party’s raison d’être is being treated with such triviality, not much hope can be placed on the rest of its promises.