• They deal with post-homicidal mentality, psychological trauma, prison, moral urgency, and remorse
• Rehab is vital

Death row inmates have critical mental health needs and hence, rehabilitation is important in order to deal with the post-homicidal mentality, psychological trauma, prison stressors, trauma-related symptoms such as disorientation, anxiety, and intrusive memories, perpetration-induced traumatic stress, dissociative experiences, psychosomatic stress, bodily manifestations of trauma, isolation, emotions like guilt and fear, existential uncertainty, emotional numbness, calmness, detachment, suicidal ideation, distress, moral urgency, and remorse. 

These findings were made in a study on "Beneath the sentence: A deep dive into post-homicidal mentality and coping strategies in Sri Lanka’s death row inmates" which was authored by C Madanayake, H Perera, C Samarakoon, T Athapaththu, A Attanayaka, Y Weeramanthrie, T Sandupama, N D Selvaratnam and L Ponnamperuma 

The act of homicide, broadly defined as one individual causing the death of another, precipitates severe and enduring psychological repercussions for offenders. Such experiences often lead to intense emotional turmoil, including symptoms related to post-traumatic stress, such as sleeplessness, anxiety, and despair. This complex psychological state is referred to as post-homicidal mentality, encompassing the cognitive and emotional responses that individuals experience after committing murder. A specific form of trauma, perpetration-induced traumatic stress, directly results from causing harm or death, profoundly altering self-perception and potentially leading to psychological fragmentation, depression, and psychosis by M Ferrito, A Needs, T Jingree and D Pearson's Making sense of the dark: A study on the identity of men who committed homicide.

Incarceration following such acts further amplifies psychological distress. Prison environments, characterised by chronic stress, intensify this burden. For individuals on death row, the anticipation of execution creates a distinct psychological burden known as the death row phenomenon, which can evolve into the "death row syndrome" marked by emotional numbing, helplessness, and a profound loss of life meaning. Prolonged confinement also contributes to "social death", eroding social roles, future orientation, and personal agency.

 In Sri Lanka, these universal psychological challenges are compounded by specific legal and carceral realities. Capital punishment, prescribed under Sections 296 and 297 of the Penal Code, deepens the psychological strain amidst punitive societal attitudes. The carceral system itself faces systemic challenges like overcrowding and social isolation (P. De Zoysa and R. Rajapaksha's Overcrowded but lonely: Psychological well-being of prisoners in the Welikada Prison, exacerbating psychological vulnerabilities. The psychological impact extends beyond the individual, severely affecting families through financial hardship, emotional distress, and social marginalisation due to deeply ingrained cultural stigma (a Pakistani study).

Despite these challenges, individuals within these settings exhibit diverse coping strategies. Religious and spiritual practices, such as Buddhist meditation and other faith-based activities, are vital for psychological survival and meaning-making among Sri Lankan inmates However, professional mental healthcare remains largely inaccessible due to the cultural silence around mental health issues and persistent societal stigmas, as highlighted by vivid accounts of the severe conditions and isolation faced by death row prisoners in Sri Lankan facilities (The death in limbo plight of death row prisoners). Most inmates do not view formal counselling as significant, indicating a shortfall in systemic support for psychological adjustment.

The traditional concept of "rehabilitation" often proves inadequate for those facing irreversible sentences. Instead, psychological adaptation for these individuals shifts towards internal meaning-making and identity transformation. However, effective rehabilitation in Sri Lanka faces systemic barriers, including limited resources and a disconnect from real-life environments Many offenders come from backgrounds marked by poverty and limited education, which restricts access to psychological literacy or alternative coping models 

Materials and methods

Madanayake et al.'s study explored the post-homicidal mentality and coping strategies of individuals convicted of homicide and sentenced to capital punishment in Sri Lanka, using the interpretative phenomenological analysis, a qualitative approach selected to gain in-depth insight into how participants interpret and assign meaning to their actions and incarceration, especially under conditions of trauma, guilt, and existential uncertainty.

Six male inmates from the Welikada Prison were purposively sampled, ensuring that all had been convicted of homicide and had exhausted their legal appeals. Sample diversity in incarceration length (ranging from 2.5 to 23 years) allowed for the exploration of how experiences and coping strategies evolved over time. 

Data was collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted on-site. Questions focused on participants’ emotions post-homicide, evolving self-perception, and coping strategies during incarceration.

Expressions of guilt included “I tried to shoot myself”, and expressions of surrender included “I leave everything to god”.

Results

Post-homicidal mentality: Abrupt emotional and behavioural shifts

Participants described a range of abrupt emotional and behavioural reactions following the act of homicide. These responses reflected the psychological turmoil and attempts to come to terms with the magnitude of their actions. Common themes included emotional numbness, anxiety, guilt, and in some cases, disturbing calmness or detachment. The fourth participant recalled an episode of disorientation, stating: “It had been about 45 minutes since I put my hand on my head from a bench, and I didn’t know.” In contrast, the second participant revealed an acute sense of guilt, marked by suicidal ideation: “I tried to shoot myself when the wife died.” While most participants showed distress, the third participant reported a sense of moral urgency: “I went to the Police as soon as I killed him.” Such accounts suggest that the psychological aftermath of homicide can manifest differently depending on the individual's emotional processing, prior life context, and moral frameworks.

Coping strategies: Managing guilt and incarceration

The participants employed a variety of coping strategies to navigate guilt, remorse, and the isolation of incarceration. Strategies fell under three main categories: religious surrender, creative engagement, and habitual distraction. The second participant described his faith-based coping: “I surrender everything to god. I keep myself occupied with work since the incident comes to mind when I pray or do nothing.” The first participant turned to literature: “I read books like the Overcrowded but lonely: Psychological well-being of prisoners in the Welikada Prison.” The fifth participant emphasised merit-making and philosophical reflection: “Every dark cloud has a silver lining. I do live with that thought. So, I do merit.” Creativity also played a central role for several participants: “I do music. I create lanterns. I construct ships… I work because of this,” the second participant said. “I craft to keep myself occupied. Now, when those thoughts arise, I make room for new ideas to arise,” the third participant said. “I smoked two or three packs of cigarettes. By now, I’ve stopped it and read books instead,” the fourth participant said.

These coping strategies function as psychological scaffolding, helping participants manage recurring memories of the homicide and adjust to long-term incarceration.

Discussion

Psychological trauma intersects with prison stressors and the cultural context. Participants displayed trauma-related symptoms such as disorientation, anxiety, and intrusive memories, aligning with perpetration-induced traumatic stress. Dissociative experiences and psychosomatic stress mirror the bodily manifestations of trauma. Harsh prison conditions, including overcrowding, isolation, and limited mental health resources, intensify these effects, echoing the “death row phenomenon” and “social death”.

In terms of coping, there is the centrality of Buddhist practices in Sri Lankan prisons, where religious surrender and spiritual narratives, such as serial killer Angulimala’s redemption, provide inmates with meaning and psychological resilience. Similarly, the reliance on optimism and moral rationalisation parallels the observation that offenders often reconstruct narratives of necessity or justice to reduce guilt. However, the dominance of faith-based strategies in Sri Lanka highlights a cultural divergence from Western contexts, where access to professional counselling or peer-support programs is more emphasised. The inmates’ coping is situated within a culturally specific framework, while reinforcing and extending post-homicidal trauma and adaptation.

Conclusion

Offenders cope with emotions like guilt and fear through culturally influenced strategies such as religious rationalisation and self-defense justifications. Future recommendations include implementing mental health counselling and restorative justice reforms in the correctional system.