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Discrimination by Jaffna’s high-caste and allegations against the Sinhalese

04 Oct 2022

By Shenali D. Waduge   An aspect that has not been brought up for debate is the influence of the Tamil caste system on the political, economic, and social framework that prevails in every sphere of life for Tamils, and the hypocrisy of the elite Tamil leadership who camouflage discrimination against their own by highlighting discriminations by Sinhalese. Let’s put these facts on the table, start asking some questions, and getting answers. If high-caste Tamils are discriminating against low-caste Tamils, what is this sham Tamil homeland and Eelam they were claiming to fight for? Around 99% of Tamil combatants were of low caste and from poverty-stricken homes – their deaths were just numbers for the Vellalar political elite to use in mainstream politics and advance their agendas internationally. There was no grief over their deaths. The treatment of the families of the dead Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) combatants will reveal them to be of only ceremonial value. The LTTE kitty was never moved to look after them, and has not been touched enough to even look after injured LTTE combatants either. How many of the real victims of the July 1983 riots went overseas or could go overseas, compared to those that used bogus narratives to settle overseas? It was common knowledge that many middle- and upper-middle-class groups were quick to maximise the opportunity to claim refugee status overseas. The poorer victims did not have the wherewithal to take such a step. The situation has changed somewhat over the years, but not to a major extent.  Notice how the LTTE, other than turning low-caste individuals into combatants, did little to annul the rigid caste system that prevailed. Turning them into “Maveerar Kudumbams” annually was just a price for more gains. These low-caste members did not have any change to their social status. Even the Church adjusted their missionary work into the caste system, erecting cemeteries by caste as well! The lower castes continue to be vote banks for politicians, but there is little or no change to their education, livelihood, employment, etc.  The political leadership remains in the hands and control of the elite. The handful of non-elite politicians have enormous challenges against their own more than against non-Tamils. The reality is that the LTTE did not develop the North, and neither did the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) while it ruled the provincial councils since 2013. The budget allocations requested by the TNA always returned to the Treasury, the majority unspent. It was the allocations from the Central Government budget that went into developing the North – this fact is often forgotten. If any Tamils face discrimination, it is generally by their own and not by Sinhalese. The manner in which even small co-operatives, controlled by higher castes in Jaffna, deny lower castes is a case in point. Around 30% of Vellalars control over 90% of land in Jaffna, as well as political affairs, economy, social systems, and even the opinions of the people. In short, this 30% is manipulating and monopolising the rest of the Tamils, and these discriminations are far more than the made-up ones against the Sinhalese.  A majority of the Tamil Parliamentarians are not only of high caste, but own the best of lands and will hardly promote equal land rights if it means sharing with low-caste Tamils! These are the MPs wailing in Parliament for equal rights with the majority Sinhalese. Only those aware of the discriminations Tamils are subject to by their own will realise the hypocrisies of Tamil MPs claiming discrimination by the Sinhalese.  There is undeniable caste-based discrimination still taking place in the State sector, public sector, and issues such as marriages and entrance to temples and churches. We saw how, even inside refugee camps, the elites refused to use toilets used by those of low caste. With even non-Vellalars seeking pastures overseas and their children gaining education overseas, there has been a major shift in mentality of the non-Vellalar people and the new generation. This essentially is a blow to the feudal mentality-stricken Vellalars. Thus, their punching bag to ensure non-Vellalars do not desert them is to always return to the anti-Sinhala card. Holding this card is the only way that all Tamils can be kept mushroomed together for selfish motives.  The Church and the West, aware of this dynamic, are quick to keep the ground realities swept under the carpet and fuel racist propaganda – dividing races has always been their trump card. Let it not be forgotten that it was former Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) Governments that provided 15 schools in Jaffna for non-Vellalar Tamil children when they were being denied education. Prominent schools flouted Government circulars to accept low-caste children even in the 1960s, and the Department of Education had to take action against these principals!  Not many wish to acknowledge how the MEP Government gave teaching appointments to more than 200 non-Vellalar youth, even though the decision was opposed by former Ilangai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) Leader MP A. Amirthalingam in Parliament. His excuse was that the appointments would bring down educational standards. These are the so-called leaders claiming to want a separate homeland for “their people” to live in “dignity”. What a laugh! Only these low-caste students and their parents will know the discrimination they were subject to by their own. Higher-caste teachers made low-caste students sit on the floor to study. It was also S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike as PM who enacted the Social Disabilities Act in 1957, enabling low-caste Tamils to enter schools, whereas the Tamil politicians are said to have sailed the rough seas to complain to the UK Privy Council to nullify the Act. This is far worse than the so-called Official Language Act of 1956, given that Tamils never enjoyed official language status either before foreign occupation or even after it. There was really no grievance for them to complain about. The protests against the Social Disability Act were far more intense than those against the Official Language Act – this is what no one seems to want to highlight. It is worthwhile to read the Act to realise the type of discrimination low-caste Tamils were being subject to. This runs contrary to their much-hyped publicity that they want to have an independent mono-ethno-linguistic state of their own. When the Sinhalese gave equal status and rights to Tamils – the high-caste/class Tamils opposed this, as they abhorred having low-caste Tamils enjoying an equal platform with them. The name of their villages depicts their caste – it has become a practice to write fake addresses so that children of low castes would not get penalised for school admissions. A Mass Movement for Social Justice (MMSJ) conference highlighted all of these forms of discrimination.  Despite significant changes to treatment of those of low castes, discrimination subtly prevails, albeit toned down, as it plays a negative chord in the larger scheme of things. At the Jaffna University, low-caste students hardly get positions above the role of demonstrator. We have yet to hear of the University Registrar being of a low caste. Low castes are hardly given promotions.  There are still kovils that deny entry to those of low caste. According to an article by Kamalika Pieris, when Tamils were displaced in Chavakachcheri in 1995, the higher caste well-owners had thrown litter and excreta into water wells on unused lands to prevent displaced Tamils from using those wells (quoting P.I. Anthony). The Tamil elite even opposed building of roads and development, as they did not want low castes to enjoy what they were enjoying. How many Tamil politicians talk about the problems that Tamils are subject to by Tamils simply because of a caste system that has been fed to them and passed down from generation to generation? Have the Tamil political parties – ITAK, TULF, or any other – spoken on the subject of caste discrimination against Tamils by Tamils? How can they, when they themselves are party to it? While Tamil politics have accommodated low-castes to keep the non-Vellalars subdued, it will never come to a point where non-Vellalars will be allowed to rule over the Vellalars. The only instance where such happened was when LTTE Leader Prabhakaran ruled by gun. Had he not had the gun, he would not have been anybody to the Vellalars. Why do non-Vellalar Tamils not take a firm stand against the Vellalars and demand that they address the discriminations against their own before trying to carve our federal states or separate homelands? Why don’t the Tamil human rights organisations headed by people like Aheelan Kadirgamar, Radhika Coomaraswamy, or Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu talk about the humiliation that low-caste Tamils are subject to by their own people before highlighting discriminations by others?  There is much ado over nationalisation and some clueless Sinhalese people join the bandwagon, claiming it to be discriminatory. Why did former ITAK MP Chelvanayagam and the ITAK oppose the nationalisation of schools? They opposed it because nationalisation meant those of low castes would gain admission to schools and the State would ensure that non-Vellalars were not discriminated against or denied school admission. It is for the same reason that the Tamil elite opposed university standardisation, as the quota would not be enjoyed only by elite Tamils, but by educated low-caste Tamils as well. This is how the Vellalars have fooled all, mastering propaganda and rhetoric? It is as a result of caste discrimination that non-Vellalar Tamils have appealed to the Public Representation Committee on Constitutional Reforms seeking caste-based reservations in governing bodies and educational institutions – even though we are in the 21st Century. Jaffna is ruled by a foreign land law (Thesawalamai), which is applicable to people of Malabar (India). Not a single Tamil has fought for the removal of this law, for it denies any non-Vellalar Tamil from owning land in Jaffna. The upper-caste Tamils will never sell their land to low-caste Tamils. What have the big-shot human rights organisations actually done to break this unfair discriminatory cave-day practice of oppression? Many of these non-governmental organisation (NGO) heads, speaking with heavy foreign accents to overseas audiences, are happy to cry crocodile tears about Tamils being oppressed by Sinhalese, but completely ignore the larger oppression by high-caste Tamils against their low-caste brethren. What more needs to be said, when even in death, people are divided by caste; who has heard of separate cemeteries by caste?  There have been more caste riots between Tamils than the handful of occasions flagged. Prominent Tamil personalities often regarded as spokespersons for Tamils highlight only a version that is politically advantageous locally and for the West/UN agendas. They have not spoken a word about the discriminations suffered by Tamils against Tamils, far worse than that which they love to parrot against the Sinhalese. It has become fashionable to quickly shoot down the messenger by calling them racist/extremist or stirring the pot of hatred when highlighting the sufferings of Tamils inflicted against their own. This is an age-old tactic flogged successfully to which silly Sinhalese people fall prey and join the bandwagon too.  Vellalars hypocrisy needs to be exposed. Non-Vellalars must ask if they want to continue to live as slaves of Vellalars or carve out their own destiny as equals. The Sinhalese people must ask Vellalars and Non-Vellalars to sort out their internal problems before unnecessarily dragging the Sinhalese to camouflage their differences and pretending to want a separate homeland to live in false “dignity”. The West/India and the Church are only making merry in manipulating these issues! (The writer is an independent political analyst who writes on a broad range of topics, and was previously the International Human Rights Commission’s Goodwill Ambassador for Sri Lanka) …………………………………. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect those of this publication.  


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